格雷厄姆·普拉特纳退选后,参议院争夺战面临五大疑问


2026-07-09T21:42:48.897Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/09/politics/senate-control-graham-platner

格雷厄姆·普拉特纳于周三宣布退出缅因州参议院竞选,这标志着2026年参议院争夺战中持续时间最长、影响最深远的事件之一落下帷幕。

但仍有许多问题悬而未决——无论是在缅因州还是全美各地的竞选当中——这些问题都将影响民主党夺回参议院多数席位的可能性。

以下是其中几个关键疑问。

1. 缅因州民主党人能多快、多彻底地摆脱普拉特纳的影响?

在本周一起强奸指控曝光后,促使普拉特纳退选是缅因州民主党迈出的重要第一步;替换他出现在选票上的截止日期是下周一。

但这并不意味着接下来一切都会顺风顺水。

首先,普拉特纳在指控曝光两天后宣布暂停竞选——他否认了相关指控——但这并非一团和气的时刻。相反,他在一段11分钟的视频中细数了一系列不满情绪。他的支持者基础或许已不如从前牢固且充满热情,但民主党仍需谨慎行事,避免疏远在初选中投票支持普拉特纳的72%的选民,尤其在候选人替换流程方面。

另一个关键因素是民主党将替换谁作为候选人。

缅因州民主党宣布,将通过一场临时召集的600人代表大会选出替代人选,包括州长竞选亚军尼拉夫·沙阿、普拉特纳/伯尼·桑德斯的盟友特洛伊·杰克逊在内的多名候选人已宣布参选。

无论最终选出谁,都很可能比民调支持率不断下滑的普拉特纳更具优势。

但民主党是该选择一位具有类似民粹主义号召力的候选人(比如杰克逊),还是会冒着让共和党将其与普拉特纳绑定的风险?(补充:就连普拉特纳在工薪阶层选民中的表现也并不像外界预想的那样出色。)民主党是否应该选择一位更传统、甚至可以说是“大众化”的候选人,这样能更好地将攻击焦点对准总统唐纳德·特朗普,而非自身,但这可能无法调动普拉特纳的忠实支持者?此外,选民对这套提名流程的满意度如何?

所有这些都是重大问题。共和党参议员苏珊·柯林斯已证明自己在这个倾向民主党的州拥有极强的韧性,因此民主党正确推进后续步骤至关重要。他们需要净增四个席位才能赢得参议院多数席位,而缅因州作为卡玛拉·哈里斯获胜的州中唯一由共和党议员寻求连任的州,本应是他们最有望拿下的目标之一。

缅因州并非唯一一个民主党人担心候选人可能破坏必赢州局势的地方。密歇根州的情况也日益严峻。

所有人的目光都将聚焦在阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛义德能否在8月4日的初选中胜出。

民主党曾在深蓝地区提名过像埃尔赛义德这样的候选人——一位持有极左翼立场的桑德斯盟友,但在摇摆州通常不会如此。但在这场备受瞩目的竞选中,情况可能会发生变化,埃尔赛义德在初选中已获得不少支持。

近期,州参议员马洛里·麦克莫罗宣布退选,打破了此前的竞选格局。这意味着如今的初选只剩下埃尔赛义德和众议员黑利·史蒂文斯两人对决,参议院少数党领袖查克·舒默已表态支持史蒂文斯。

但目前尚不清楚麦克莫罗的退选是否对史蒂文斯有利。同样需要强调的是,也不能确定埃尔赛义德在大选中的表现必然会更差。

同样,民主党正确做出选择至关重要。就像缅因州一样,如果无法拿下密歇根州,民主党几乎不可能赢得参议院多数席位。

3. 艾奥瓦州和德克萨斯州真的有望翻盘吗?

民主党最有可能拿下多数席位的路径是:拿下缅因州,保住密歇根州和佐治亚州,拿下北卡罗来纳州。但随后他们还需要至少拿下两个2024年特朗普以两位数优势获胜的州。

最有可能的目标有四个:阿拉斯加州、艾奥瓦州、俄亥俄州和德克萨斯州。

阿拉斯加州和俄亥俄州似乎确实有较大的翻盘可能性,但艾奥瓦州和德克萨斯州的情况则没那么明朗。

在德克萨斯州,州众议员詹姆斯·塔拉里科引发了大量关注,第二季度筹款额高达惊人的3000万美元。但和普拉特纳的情况有些相似,目前尚不清楚他能否兑现外界的高期待。民主党认为,他可以以信徒的身份与保守派选民沟通,并从州总检察长肯·帕克斯顿手中争取选票,但塔拉里科此前也曾持有多项被共和党急于抨击为对德克萨斯州来说过于“觉醒”的立场。

在艾奥瓦州,州众议员乔希·图雷克看起来是开放席位竞选中的优秀 recruits——一位曾在州议会中守住特朗普票仓选区的残奥会选手。民主党还推出了州审计官罗布·桑德作为强有力的州长候选人。但在特朗普时代,艾奥瓦州已大幅右转。而且共和党这边没有像帕克斯顿这样背负诸多争议的候选人。

目前可以确定的是:德克萨斯州和艾奥瓦州的民调都显示竞争激烈。《纽约时报》与锡耶纳学院近期的民调显示,塔拉里科与帕克斯顿在可能投票的选民中支持率均为47%,打成平手;图雷克则与共和党众议员阿什利·希农势均力敌。

当出现波浪式选举时——比如2026年对民主党来说可能就是这样的年份——总会出现一些出人意料的竞选结果。

那么,哪些州会成为黑马?

请关注蒙大拿州和内布拉斯加州,共和党候选人的主要对手似乎是独立人士,而非民主党人。(这是民主党日益常见的策略——实际上为独立人士让路——尽管到目前为止,这种做法大多只是让竞选更加胶着,而非直接导致共和党失利。)

同时也请关注堪萨斯州,知名卫理公会牧师亚当·汉密尔顿在挑战共和党参议员罗杰·马歇尔的无望竞选中筹款数百万美元,创下了纪录。

另一方面,如果2026年的竞选战场收窄,共和党形势好转,别忘了新罕布什尔州的两位前共和党参议员斯科特·布朗和约翰·E·苏努努,他们正在争夺接替即将退休的民主党参议员珍妮·沙欣的资格,而该州本身倾向民主党。

过去一个月,阿拉斯加州因是否会有第二位丹·沙利文出现在选票上引发轩然大波,该候选人将与共和党现任参议员丹·沙利文以及民主党前众议员玛丽·佩尔托拉同台竞争。

州最高法院上周最终裁定第二位丹·沙利文可以参选。现任参议员及其盟友担心,如果选民混淆两位候选人,这可能会分流他们的选票,而这种情况完全有可能发生。

但阿拉斯加州采用排序选择投票制,也就是说,任何感到困惑的选民都可以将两位丹·沙利文都列入排名,他们的选票最终会流向现任参议员。与此同时,也有选民可能只会选择一位候选人,选错了丹·沙利文。

另外值得关注的是,这位挑战者丹·沙利文是否能成为8月18日初选中脱颖而出的四位候选人之一。共和党人更不希望他晋级,但民主党选民可能会投票支持他,试图将他推过初选门槛。

值得关注这一特殊情况——尤其是考虑到该选区的民调差距极小,而这场竞选可能决定参议院多数席位的归属。

5 big questions in the battle for the Senate after Graham Platner drops his bid

2026-07-09T21:42:48.897Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/09/politics/senate-control-graham-platner

Graham Platner’s announced exit from the Maine Senate race Wednesday concluded one of the longest-running — and most-consequential — sagas of the 2026 battle for the Senate.

But many questions remain — both in Maine and in races around the country — that could shape how much of a chance Democrats have of flipping that chamber.

Here are some of the big ones.

1. How quickly – and thoroughly – can Maine Democrats turn the page on Platner?

Getting Platner to leave the race after the emergence of a rape allegation this week was the big first step for Maine Democrats; Monday is the deadline for being able to replace him on the ballot.

But that doesn’t mean it’s smooth sailing from here on out.

For one, Platner’s announcement that he’s suspending his campaign — two days after the allegation, which he denies, came out — wasn’t exactly a kumbaya moment. Instead, he aired a series of grievances over the course of an 11-minute video. His base might not be as strong and passionate as it once was, but Democrats would be wise not to alienate the 72% of primary voters who backed Platner with the replacement process.

The other big factor is whom Democrats replace him with.

The Maine Democratic Party announced that the replacement is expected to be selected by an impromptu 600-person convention, and a number of candidates — including gubernatorial runner-up Nirav Shah, Platner/Bernie Sanders ally Troy Jackson and others — have already thrown their hats in the ring.

Whoever is selected will likely be an improvement over Platner and his declining poll numbers.

But does the party try to get someone with a similar populist appeal (à la Jackson) or does that risk allowing Republicans to tie him to Platner? (Also: Even Platner wasn’t doing as well with working-class voters as you might have thought.) Do Democrats go with a more traditional — even generic — candidate who can better keep the focus on President Donald Trump rather than themselves, but might not be as exciting to Platner devotees? And how happy are people with the process that produces the nominee?

All of these are major questions. GOP Sen. Susan Collins has proven resilient in the blue-leaning state, and the stakes are high for Democrats to get the next steps right. They need a net gain of four seats to win the Senate majority, and Maine — the one state Kamala Harris won where a Republican is up for reelection — is supposed to be among their best shots.

Maine wasn’t the only place where some Democrats have feared their nominee might jeopardize what’s likely a must-win state. That’s also increasingly the case in Michigan.

And all eyes will be on whether Abdul El-Sayed wins the primary on August 4.

Democrats have nominated candidates like El-Sayed — a Sanders ally with pretty far-left positions — in deep-blue areas, but generally not in swing areas. That could change in this high-profile race, where El-Sayed has gained traction in the primary.

The race did shift recently, with state Sen. Mallory McMorrow’s decision to drop out. That means it’s now one-on-one between El-Sayed and Rep. Haley Stevens, whom Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has signaled support for.

But it’s not clear that McMorrow’s exit helps Stevens. Nor, it’s worth emphasizing, is it clear that El-Sayed would necessarily perform worse in the general election.

And again, the stakes are high for Democrats to get this right. Just like with Maine, it’s hard to see how they win the majority without holding Michigan.

3. Are Iowa and Texas really in play?

Democrats’ most likely majority path goes like this: They flip Maine, hold Michigan and Georgia and flip North Carolina. But then they have to flip at least two states that Trump carried by double digits in 2024.

The most likely possibilities are these four: Alaska, Iowa, Ohio and Texas.

Alaska and Ohio appear to be pretty solidly in play, but it’s not so clear that’s the case with Iowa and Texas.

In Texas, state Rep. James Talarico has generated lots of buzz and just raised an astounding $30 million in the second quarter. But somewhat similar to Platner, it’s not totally clear he can match the hype. Democrats think he can speak to conservative-leaning voters as a man of faith and pick off voters from state Attorney General Ken Paxton, but Talarico has also previously adopted a number of positions that the GOP is eager to blast as too “woke” for Texas.

In Iowa, state Rep. Josh Turek looks like a great recruit in an open-seat race — a Paralympian who has held down a Trump district in the state legislature. And Democrats also have a strong nominee for governor in state Auditor Rob Sand. But Iowa has swung pretty hard to the right in the Trump era. And there’s not a baggage-laden candidate like Paxton on the GOP side.

What’s clear for now: Both Texas and Iowa are polling competitively. Recent New York Times-Siena polls showed Talarico tied with Paxton at 47% among likely voters, and Turek running about even with GOP Rep. Ashley Hinson.

When there are wave elections — like 2026 could be for Democrats — there tend to be races that surprise us.

So, which could those be?

Keep an eye on Montana and Nebraska, where the leading opponents for Republicans appear to be independents rather than Democrats. (This is an increasingly common strategy for Democrats — effectively stepping aside for independents — though to this point it’s mostly just made the races closer rather than caused Republicans to lose.)

Also keep an eye on Kansas, where renowned methodist pastor Adam Hamilton is setting records by raising millions in a long-shot Democratic bid against GOP Sen. Roger Marshall.

On the flipside, if the 2026 battlefield narrows and Republicans start doing better, don’t forget that two former GOP senators, Scott Brown and John E. Sununu of New Hampshire, are battling for the right to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Jeanne Shaheen in that blue-leaning state.

The last month has featured a big to-do in Alaska over whether a second Republican Dan Sullivan will appear on the ballot, running against GOP Sen. Dan Sullivan and Democratic former Rep. Mary Peltola.

The state Supreme Court ultimately cleared the way for the second Dan Sullivan last week. The incumbent senator and his allies fear this could cost them some votes if voters get confused, which could certainly happen.

But Alaska has ranked-choice voting, meaning anybody who is confused could rank both Dan Sullivans and their vote would eventually go to the incumbent. At the same time, someone could pick only one candidate and pick the wrong Dan Sullivan.

Also keep an eye on whether the challenger Dan Sullivan will be one of the four candidates to advance past the August 18 primary. Republicans would prefer he didn’t, but Democrats could vote for him to try and push him through.

It’s worth following this quirk — especially given how close this race is polling and how it could decide the Senate majority.

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