2026-06-11T08:00:08.125Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/06/11/politics/pulte-dni-trump-administration-acting-officials-analysis
- 特朗普总统任命住房官员比尔·普尔泰临时领导情报机构的举动遭到了政府改革倡导者的批评。
- 普尔泰缺乏国家安全专业知识,在被宣布担任该职务时甚至没有安全许可。
- 随着11月大选临近,特朗普在参议院的任命权日渐式微,他正越来越多地依赖多个机构的代理官员。
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唐纳德·特朗普总统任命一名住房专家监督美国情报界的举动看起来颇为反常。
但特朗普对临时任命比尔·普尔泰的态度十分坚决——这位住房官员将于下周上任,计划在临时负责情报机构期间推动改革、整顿队伍。据CNN最新报道,民主党人可能会通过让一项关键的外国监控法律失效来抗议这一任命,而国会山的共和党人则手足无措。
这让人联想到类似的问题:美国疾病控制与预防中心和食品药品监督管理局的合格负责人都被排挤走了,且至今尚未有人接任。特朗普第二任期内,卫生局局长一职也仍未得到永久性任命。
随着特朗普所在的政党为11月的选举做准备,而他的低支持率可能会拖累其他共和党候选人,特朗普推动关键职位人选通过参议院的能力正在减弱。
与首届政府时期如出一辙,特朗普似乎越来越依赖某些机构的“代理”负责人——至少在法律允许的范围内如此。与此同时,他将继续挑战同一部法律——1998年《联邦空缺改革法案》,让少数亲信助手负责多个机构的重大职责。
这在特朗普政府中并非新鲜事:时任国务卿马尔科·卢比奥同时兼任代理档案管理员;美国社会保障局局长身兼二职,在国税局局长一职无法依法临时任命的情况下,担任了新设的国税局首席执行官职位。
即将出任代理国家情报总监、同时也是参议院确认任命的联邦住房金融局局长普尔泰的核心关联,既不是住房领域也不是情报领域,而是正如CNN所报道的,他利用公职 targeting特朗普政治对手的过往记录。
6月4日在椭圆形办公室,特朗普明确表示普尔泰不会长期担任该职务:“这是一个临时职位,不是永久职位。”
特朗普并未提及战争时期协调情报工作的必要性,反而表示他期望普尔泰在任期间“可能会发现一些关于选举被操纵的真相”。
“这是一个层层叠加的管理失当问题,”无党派组织“公共服务伙伴关系”首席执行官马克斯·斯蒂尔说道。该组织致力于推动高效政府运作。
此前因被削减职位以及清除特朗普口中的“深层政府”反对势力而士气低落的公务员队伍,如今还要面对与其所领导机构毫无背景关联的负责人。
“这将导致浪费、腐败、无能,并给美国人民带来糟糕的结果,”斯蒂尔说。
普尔泰的升任尤其凸显了特朗普治理美国政府过程中的两个突出问题:
► 第一个问题是特朗普利用“代理”官员临时绕过参议院任命程序。这项程序在最理想的情况下也可能充满激烈争执和政治博弈。每位总统都曾这么做,但特朗普的使用频率和公开程度要高得多。在首届任期内,他就曾表示喜欢规避任命程序带来的“灵活性”,尽管宪法对此有明确规定。
► 第二个问题是将互不相关的职责强加给特朗普的亲信助手团队,造成了诸多怪异的职务组合。
这两个问题最终都会触及法律红线。
例如,设立国家情报总监职位的法律要求,任何被提名者“必须具备广泛的国家安全专业知识”。尽管普尔泰并未被提名担任该永久职位,但在任命宣布时,他甚至连安全许可都没有。不过该法律的另一条款规定,若出现职位空缺,国家情报总监的首席副局长“应代理履行”国家情报总监的职责。现任国家情报总监首席副局长是经验丰富的前中央情报局官员亚伦·卢卡斯。
但另一部法律也在此发挥作用。
1998年《联邦空缺法案》是两党共同通过的,旨在限制比尔·克林顿总统规避就需要参议院批准的关键政治任命寻求议员认可的能力。华盛顿对此类职位的简称是PAS(即需参议院确认的任命职位)。
《空缺法案》规定了一套颇为复杂的职位填补机制。首先,它要求PAS职位只能由其最高副手、机构内其他高级官员或另一位经参议院确认的官员担任。普尔泰正是经参议院确认的官员。
但该法案也规定了时限。代理官员只能在职位空缺后的210天内履职。若总统提名了永久接任人选,这210天的倒计时将在提名过程中暂停。若首次提名失败或被撤回,总统可再获得210天的代理任命期限,但没有第三次机会。
据美国政府问责办公室称,两党总统都曾常规违反该法律。
美国贸易代表贾米森·格里尔在忙于特朗普的贸易战之际,还被指派领导政府道德办公室——该机构本应负责防范政府内的利益冲突——以及特别顾问办公室——该办公室在协助政府举报人方面发挥着重要作用。
特朗普在第二任期内似乎对这两个办公室都不太重视,目前两者均没有常设负责人。
本应两党共治的联邦选举委员会,目前没有足够的委员来启动调查程序。
负责审理联邦雇员投诉的美国功绩制度保护委员会,勉强达到法定人数,但这只是因为其经参议院确认的主席亨利·克纳同时兼任代理副主席。
据斯蒂尔所在的“公共服务伙伴关系”组织称,全美约有1300个经参议院确认的职位。该组织跟踪了其中800多个关键职位,其中超过270个职位尚未有特朗普政府的提名人选。另有约100个职位已提交提名,但尚未获得参议院确认。实际上,特朗普第二届政府的确认率略高于拜登政府和首届特朗普政府。
但特朗普依赖代理官员的方式,正在挑战规定职位空缺填补方式的法律,以及宪法精神——宪法要求总统任命高级官员需经参议院“建议与同意”,以此强制立法机构与总统之间达成妥协。
“这似乎是他从首届任期中学到的主要教训:选择那些无论如何都会按他的意愿行事的人,而非选择那些捍卫宪法、法治,并有能力管理这些对美国公众产生巨大影响的重要复杂机构的人,”斯蒂尔说。
本文标题已更新。
Why Trump keeps avoiding Senate confirmation for top government roles
2026-06-11T08:00:08.125Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/06/11/politics/pulte-dni-trump-administration-acting-officials-analysis
- President Trump’s appointment of housing official Bill Pulte to temporarily lead intelligence agencies has drawn criticism from government reform advocates.
- Pulte lacks national security expertise and did not have a security clearance when announced for the role.
- Trump is increasingly relying on acting officials across multiple agencies as his Senate confirmation power weakens ahead of November’s election.
AI-generated summary was reviewed by a CNN editor.
A version of this story appeared in CNN’s What Matters newsletter. To get it in your inbox, sign up for free here.
It feels odd that President Donald Trump tapped a housing expert to oversee the American intelligence community.
But Trump is dug in on his temporary appointment of Bill Pulte, the housing official he wants to start next week and shake things up and clean house during a temporary assignment overseeing the intelligence community. Democrats, to protest the hiring move, could let a key foreign surveillance law lapse and Republicans on Capitol Hill are scrambling, according to CNN’s most recent report.
It feels like a similar problem that qualified leaders of both the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration were pushed out and have not yet been replaced. The role of surgeon general has not yet been permanently filled during Trump’s second term.
Trump’s power to push nominees for key roles through the Senate is waning as his party braces for an election in November in which his low approval ratings could be a drag on other Republicans.
In a retread of his first administration, Trump seems likely to rely more and more on “acting” heads of certain agencies, at least for as long as the law allows. Meanwhile, he will continue to test the same law — the Federal Vacancies Reform Act of 1998 — by giving a few close aides vast responsibility over multiple agencies.
This is not a novel concept in Trump’s administration, where Secretary of State Marco Rubio was also acting archivist, or where the administrator of the Social Security Administration is doing double duty in the invented position of CEO of the IRS since the director position at the tax collection agency can no longer legally be filled on a temporary basis.
The throughline for Pulte, the soon-to-be “acting” director of national intelligence and Senate-confirmed head of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, is neither housing nor intelligence, but rather, as CNN reported, his track record of using his federal job to target Trump’s political enemies.
In the Oval Office on June 4, the president made clear that Pulte would not have the job too long: “It’s an acting position, it’s not a permanent,” Trump said.
And, rather than citing a need to coordinate intelligence at a time of war, the president expects that with Pulte in the role, “He may find out some things about the rigged elections.”
“It’s a layer cake of mismanagement,” said Max Stier, CEO of the Partnership for Public Service, a nonpartisan group that lobbies for effective government.
A civil service that has already been cowed by efforts to cut positions and root out what Trump believes is a deep state set against him is also dealing with leaders who have no background in the agencies they are leading.
“It is a recipe for waste, corruption, incompetence, and bad outcome for the American people,” Stier said.
Pulte’s ascendance in particular raises two distinct issues in how Trump has run the US government:
► The first issue is Trump’s use of “acting” officials as a way to end-run, temporarily, the Senate confirmation process, which can be acrimonious and political in the best of circumstances. Every president has done this, but Trump does it much more frequently and openly. In his first term, he talked about liking the “flexibility” avoiding the confirmation process gave him. Never mind that it’s required in the Constitution.
► The second issue is the smushing of unrelated responsibilities into the cadre of trusted Trump aides, which has created multiple odd job combos.
Both issues ultimately run into laws.
The law that set up the DNI role, for instance, requires that anyone nominated “shall have extensive national security expertise.” When the announcement was made, Pulte did not even have a security clearance, although he also has not been nominated for the permanent role. But another part of the law stipulates that if a vacancy occurs, the principal deputy director of national intelligence “shall act for” the DNI during a vacancy. The current principal deputy director of national intelligence is an experienced former CIA officer named Aaron Lukas.
But there’s another law at play here.
The Federal Vacancies Act of 1998 was passed on a bipartisan basis to clip President Bill Clinton’s ability to avoid seeking lawmakers’ blessing for key political appointments that require Senate approval. The Washington shorthand for these jobs is PAS.
The Vacancies Act lays out a somewhat complicated system for filling vacancies. First, it requires that PAS roles only be filled by their top deputies, other top officials in their agency, or another Senate-confirmed official. Pulte is a Senate-confirmed official.
But there are also time limits. An acting official can only serve for 210 days after a vacancy occurs. If the president nominates a permanent replacement, that 210-day clock stops during the nomination process. The president gets another 210-day period for an acting official if the first nomination fails or is withdrawn. But they don’t get a third.
Presidents of both parties have routinely violated this law, according to the Government Accountability Office.
US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer was already busy with Trump’s trade war when he was also tasked to lead the Office of Government Ethics, which is supposed to guard against conflicts of interest in the government, and the Office of Special Counsel, which plays an important role aiding government whistleblowers.
Trump doesn’t seem to have much use for either office during his second term. Neither has a permanent leader at the moment.
The Federal Election Commission, which is supposed to be bipartisan, doesn’t currently have enough commissioners to launch investigations.
The US Merit Systems Protection Board, which is tasked with hearing complaints of federal workers, sort of has a quorum, but only because its Senate-approved chairman, Henry Kerner, is also acting vice chairman.
There are about 1,300 Senate-approved positions, according to Stier’s Partnership for Public Service. The group is tracking more than 800 key roles, and more than 270 of those have no nominee from the Trump administration. About 100 roles have a nominee that has not yet been confirmed by the Senate. This is actually a slightly higher confirmation rate for Trump 2.0 than either the Biden administration or the first Trump administration.
But the way Trump is relying on acting officials tests laws that set out how vacancies are supposed to be filled and the spirit of the Constitution, which tried to force compromise between lawmakers and the president by requiring the “advice and consent” of the Senate for top officials in the government.
“This appears to be the primary lesson he learned from his first term, which is choose people who will do whatever he wants, no matter what, as opposed to choosing people who will stand up for the Constitution, the rule of law, and be capable of running these very important, complex organizations that have had huge impact on the American public,” Stier said.
This headline has been updated.
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