分析: 艾伦·布雷克(Aaron Blake),2小时前发布于2026年3月2日美国东部时间上午5:00
2026年选举于周二正式拉开帷幕,选民将前往阿肯色州、北卡罗来纳州和德克萨斯州参加首场州级初选。
焦点事件: 德克萨斯州美国参议院竞选是重中之重,但政治观察人士还需关注诸多其他议题。
以下是值得关注的主要问题:
德克萨斯州民主党人会选择务实路线还是激进路线?
德克萨斯州的两场参议院初选无疑是焦点赛事。但我们将民主党初选置于首位,因为其结果更可能在周二揭晓。
共和党方面的三人竞争更像是决定哪两名候选人进入5月的决选。而民主党方面,关键是众议员贾丝明·克罗克特(Jasmine Crockett)与州众议员詹姆斯·塔拉利科(James Talarico)之间的较量(民主党还有第三位候选人,但影响较小)。
1月初休斯顿大学的民调显示克罗克特领先8个百分点,2月上中旬德克萨斯大学的民调则显示她领先12个百分点。但这些数据已有些过时,塔拉利科被认为有真实的竞争机会。
民主党人的选择反映了他们在特朗普时代的战略抉择:是支持能动员基础选民的反特朗普激进派(克罗克特),还是选择至少在名义上更受中间派欢迎的候选人(塔拉利科)?
克罗克特因在国会听证会上的网红式表现崭露头角;塔拉利科则以罕见地强调基督教信仰的民主党人身份为人所知。
两人初选中的早期投票率很高——高于共和党。
称塔拉利科更具选举优势过于简单。我们身处一个新的政治时代,建立线上影响力和动员基础选民的价值凸显。
休斯顿大学民调显示,两位民主党候选人在普选中的表现几乎不相上下,均与任何共和党对手的差距不超过4个百分点。
但德克萨斯州自1994年以来就未再选出民主党全州级官员,这意味着选民面临巨大挑战,必须选出能利用这一难得机会打破僵局的候选人(若共和党候选人最终是包袱重重的州总检察长肯·帕克斯顿,民主党人会更有信心)。
选对候选人的重要性远超预期。 尽管德克萨斯州通常是民主党难以触及的目标,但民主党若要在今年夺回参议院,至少需要赢得德克萨斯、阿拉斯加、爱荷华和俄亥俄这几个红色州中的至少两个。
德克萨斯州并非必须拿下,但民主党非常希望将其纳入竞逐范围,这首先要从选对候选人开始。
德克萨斯州共和党参议院竞选会有多激烈?
显然,竞争将非常激烈,甚至可能持续到决选。
现任参议员约翰·科宁(John Cornyn)发布了一则残酷的广告,称帕克斯顿“背叛妻子”并列举其他“肮脏行为”(帕克斯顿的妻子指控其通奸,并于去年以“圣经理由”申请离婚。CNN尚未核实广告中所有指控)。他还在接受《政治报》采访时称帕克斯顿为“骗子”。
帕克斯顿则派女儿出面辩护,并指责科宁的竞选损害了共和党在大选中的获胜机会。
“民主党在这场竞选中最大的盟友就是科宁这场自杀式的竞选,”帕克斯顿周五在X平台上表示,“他很绝望,知道自己会输,唯一的目标就是伤害我和共和党。”
如前所述,共和党提名可能不会在周二揭晓,但这并不意味着没有重大风险。
众议员韦斯利·亨特(Wesley Hunt)作为第三位候选人出现在帕克斯顿和科宁之间,使得任何候选人都难以获得过半数票而避免决选。休斯顿大学和德克萨斯大学的民调均显示没有候选人突破40%。
抛开政治修辞,帕克斯顿的言论揭示了一个真实问题:想象一场长达12周的决选,候选人之间互相猛烈攻击。如果帕克斯顿赢得决选,民主党可以利用科宁竞选团队和支持现任议员的国家共和党在初选中对其发起的攻击来削弱对手。
不幸的是,这似乎是最可能的结果。
然而,周二的具体结果仍至关重要,即使是决选。
首先,如果克罗克特赢得民主党初选,共和党可能会更有信心在大选中支持帕克斯顿,因为共和党认为她是较弱的民主党对手。反之,塔拉利科获胜可能对科宁有利。
其次,科宁和帕克斯顿的表现可能影响唐纳德·特朗普总统的关键背书。传统观点认为,如果现任议员在初选中落后,他们几乎不可能赢得决选——甚至可能得不到特朗普的支持。因此科宁可能希望保持接近或领先。
虽然总统通常不会支持挑战现任议员的候选人,但如果帕克斯顿看起来胜券在握,特朗普可能会打破常规,支持他而非科宁,以避免更丑陋的决选。
北卡罗来纳州参议院竞选中,迈克尔·沃特里(Whatley)的实力如何?
北卡罗来纳州参议院的空缺竞选预计将在民主党前州长罗伊·库珀(Roy Cooper)和前共和党全国委员会主席迈克尔·沃特里(Michael Whatley)之间展开。两人均有望在周二赢得各自初选。
但沃特里是否真正巩固了共和党基本盘,仍存疑问,尽管他已获得特朗普的支持。
特朗普盟友史蒂夫·班农(Steve Bannon)表示,沃特里“不符合‘让美国再次伟大’(MAGA)的理念”,MAGA选民对他“并不热情”。库珀在竞选州长时也吸引了部分共和党选民(联邦选举中获得跨党派支持通常更难)。
周二的结果将是一个很好的检验,因为沃特里面临着更具“MAGA”倾向的候选人,包括前州教育部长米歇尔·莫罗(Michele Morrow)和律师唐·布朗(Don Brown)。
托尼·冈萨雷斯(Tony Gonzales)议员的政治生涯是否已走到穷途末路?
来自第23选区的三任共和党议员托尼·冈萨雷斯在2024年的初选中仅以354票险胜。
近期披露的其与一名工作人员的婚外情导致后者自杀身亡,这使得他在与拥枪权活动家布兰登·赫雷拉(Brandon Herrera)的重选中前景黯淡。
一些共和党人甚至呼吁冈萨雷斯辞职。特朗普曾支持他。周五,当总统重申对德克萨斯州共和党议员的支持时,并未提及冈萨雷斯,但随后又称他是“一位伟大的国会议员”。
冈萨雷斯仍在坚持,但初选失利可能让他难以继续留在任上。他所在的选区从圣安东尼奥延伸至西得克萨斯州,若其离开,可能对共和党本就微弱的众议院多数派造成打击。
丹·克伦肖(Dan Crenshaw)议员也会遭遇滑铁卢吗?
2024年,来自德克萨斯州第2选区的共和党议员丹·克伦肖以较大优势赢得初选,但其对手资金不足。
但他在党内面临的风险仍不容忽视:特朗普未在初选前对其表态支持,而参议员泰德·克鲁兹(Ted Cruz)则为他的主要对手——州众议员史蒂夫·托特(Steve Toth)助选。
克鲁兹的广告虽未直接点名克伦肖,但暗示其“不够坚定”,称“你需要一个坚定不移的斗士”。
若克伦肖在初选中失利,对这位曾被视为潜在高层候选人的议员而言将是重大打击。
德克萨斯州南部,民主党人能否重新赢得拉丁裔选民支持?
共和党人去年在德克萨斯州试图重新划分五个新的共和党国会选区,押注于保住特朗普在2024年大选中对拉丁裔选民的巨大优势。
但自选举以来,拉丁裔选民对特朗普的支持率下滑速度快于其他群体。
如果他们转向民主党,新划分的选区可能会对共和党产生反噬效应。这一现象被称为“假选区操纵”(dummymander)。
需关注德克萨斯州南部民主党初选中的投票率是否高于共和党。
共和党在北卡罗来纳州的重点竞选中能否赢得提名?
共和党人在去年中期重新划分选区时,将民主党众议员唐·戴维斯(Don Davis)作为北卡罗来纳州的重点打击目标。他在2024年特朗普支持的选区中险胜,但如今该选区倾向特朗普的程度加深,成为共和党最具吸引力的夺席机会之一。
有望胜出的候选人包括:前特朗普政府官员劳里·巴克豪特(Laurie Buckhout)(2024年在旧选区以仅2个百分点输给戴维斯),以及当地治安官阿萨·巴克(Asa Buck)和州参议员博比·哈尼格(Bobby Hanig)。
北卡罗来纳州参议院议长菲尔·伯格(Phil Berger)是否会败选?
北卡罗来纳州参议院议长菲尔·伯格(共和党)与罗金厄姆县治安官山姆·佩奇(Sam Page)的激烈初选竞争足以登上此类榜单。
- 伯格已担任该职位15年;
- 该职位权力巨大:尽管近期北卡罗来纳州民主党州长多次当选,但共和党州议会通常拥有否决权,这意味着伯格在州内拥有巨大影响力。
这场竞争如此激烈,以至于特朗普亲自介入了州议会选举:在伯格去年提供了他渴望已久的新国会选区地图后,特朗普支持了他。甚至曾向佩奇提供白宫职位,试图让他退选。
但佩奇坚持参选,现在需看伯格能否度过难关。
一位长期在位的州议员是否会失势?
州立法机构的竞选通常难以进入此类榜单,但北卡罗来纳州参议院议长菲尔·伯格(共和党)与罗金厄姆县治安官山姆·佩奇的激烈初选竞争足以成为焦点。
- 伯格已担任该职位15年;
- 该职位权力巨大:尽管近期北卡罗来纳州民主党州长多次当选,但共和党州议会通常拥有否决权,这意味着伯格在州内拥有巨大影响力。
这场竞争如此激烈,以至于特朗普亲自介入了州议会选举:在伯格去年提供了他渴望已久的新国会选区地图后,特朗普支持了他。甚至曾向佩奇提供白宫职位,试图让他退选。
但佩奇坚持参选,现在需看伯格能否度过难关。
8 big questions on the first primary day of 2026
Analysis by Aaron Blake, 2 hr ago, PUBLISHED Mar 2, 2026, 5:00 AM ET
The 2026 election lurches to a start on Tuesday, as voters head to the polls for the first state primaries in Arkansas, North Carolina and Texas.
The big ticket is the US Senate race in Texas, but there’s plenty more for political watchers to keep an eye on.
Here are some of the big questions.
Do Texas Democrats choose pragmatism or fire?
The two Texas Senate primaries are clearly the marquee races. But we’re putting the Democratic race first because it’s much more likely to be decided Tuesday.
The three-way GOP primary appears to be more about which two candidates make the May runoff. But on the Democratic side, it’s about Rep. Jasmine Crockett vs. state Rep. James Talarico. (There is a third candidate on the Democratic side, but a minor one.)
Crockett led by 8 points in a late January University of Houston poll and by 12 points in a University of Texas poll conducted in early-to-mid-February. But those polls are a bit dated, and Talarico is thought to have a real chance.
The choice for Democrats echoes their broader strategic choice in the Trump era: Do they go with an anti-Trump firebrand who can motivate the base (Crockett), or with the kind of candidate who at least notionally has more appeal to the political middle (Talarico)?
Crockett has made a name for herself with viral appearances at congressional hearings; Talarico is largely known as the rare Democrat who emphasizes his Christian faith.
Early-voting turnout in their primary has been big — bigger than for the Republicans.
It’s too simple to say that Talarico is the more electable of the two. We live in a new political era where there’s a lot to be said for building an online following and motivating the base.
And the University of Houston poll showed little difference between how the two Democrats perform in the general election. Both of them were within 4 points of whichever Republican they faced.
But this is also Texas, where Democrats haven’t won any statewide office since 1994. That means there’s a huge premium on picking the kind of candidate who could take advantage of a rare opportunity to end that streak. (Democrats will feel better about their chances if the GOP nominee winds up being baggage-laden state Attorney General Ken Paxton.)
The stakes for getting this right are bigger than you might think. While Texas is normally a long-shot Democratic target, the blue team needs to win red states to win back the Senate this year — likely at least two of the following: Texas, Alaska, Iowa and Ohio.
Texas isn’t a must-win, but it’s a race Democrats would very much like to put in play. And that starts with picking the right candidates.
How ugly is the Texas GOP Senate contest going to get?
Apparently, very. And it could be extended.
Incumbent Sen. John Cornyn launched a brutal ad saying Paxton “cheated on his wife” and citing various other “dirty deeds.” (Paxton’s wife has accused him of adultery and filed for divorce last year on “biblical grounds.” CNN has not verified all of the ad’s claims.) He also called Paxton a “crook” in an interview with Politico.
Paxton has responded by dispatching his daughter to defend him and accusing Cornyn of damaging the GOP’s chances in the general election.
“The Democrats’ biggest ally in this race is the kamikaze campaign Cornyn’s running,” Paxton posted on X on Friday. “He’s desperate, he knows he is going to lose, and his only … goal is to hurt me and the party.”
As noted, it’s unlikely the GOP nomination will be resolved on Tuesday. But that doesn’t mean there’s not a lot at stake.
The emergence of Rep. Wesley Hunt as a viable third option next to the two front-runners, Paxton and Cornyn, makes it less likely anybody gets to 50% and avoids a runoff. Neither the University of Houston poll nor the University of Texas poll showed any candidate breaking 40%.
Political rhetoric aside, a real truth undergirds Paxton’s comment. Imagine a 12-week runoff during which these guys can really rip the bark off each other. Imagine if Paxton wins the runoff and Democrats can point to all the ugly things the Cornyn campaign and the national GOP (which is supporting the incumbent) said about him in the primary.
Unfortunately for the GOP, that seems the likeliest scenario.
But the specific results on Tuesday also matter, even if it’s a runoff.
For one, Crockett winning the Democratic primary could give Republicans more confidence about voting for Paxton in the general election, since the GOP views her as the weaker Democratic opponent. Likewise, Talarico winning might be a boon to Cornyn.
For two, Cornyn’s and Paxton’s performances could matter when it comes to landing the crucial endorsement of President Donald Trump. The conventional wisdom says that if the incumbent trails in the primary, they’re unlikely to win the runoff –— and maybe Trump doesn’t endorse. So Cornyn probably wants to keep it close or even lead.
While presidents usually don’t endorse against incumbents, if a Paxton win looks inevitable, maybe Trump breaks with that norm and backs him over Cornyn to avoid an uglier runoff.
How strong is Whatley in the North Carolina Senate race?
It’s expected that the open North Carolina Senate race will come down to Democratic former Gov. Roy Cooper and former Republican National Committee Chair Michael Whatley. Both should win their primaries on Tuesday.
But there are questions about just how much Whatley has locked down the GOP base, even as he’s secured Trump’s endorsement.
Trump ally Steve Bannon has said that Whatley is “not MAGA” and that MAGA voters are “just not enthusiastic about” him. Cooper has also picked off some Republican voters, at least when running for governor. (It’s usually more difficult to get crossover support when you’re running for federal office.)
Tuesday should be a good test, given Whatley faces some more-MAGA candidates, including Michele Morrow, a former candidate for state schools superintendent, and lawyer Don Brown.
Is Rep. Tony Gonzales sunk?
Rep. Tony Gonzales, a three-term Republican from the 23rd District, survived his primary in 2024 by just 354 votes.
And given the exceedingly ugly recent disclosures about his alleged affair with a staffer who later died by suicide, it would seem an uphill battle to win his rematch with gun-rights activist Brandon Herrera.
Some Republicans have even called for Gonzales to resign. Trump previously endorsed him. On Friday, as the president reupped his endorsements of House Republicans in Texas, he skipped over mentioning Gonzales. But he later called him a “great congressman.”
Gonzales has resisted the pressure, but a primary loss could make it hard to justify sticking around. And he could reason that he’s already lost his seat, which stretches from the San Antonio area into West Texas.
If he leaves early, that could be bad for Republicans, who are already struggling with a tiny House majority.
And Dan Crenshaw too?
GOP Rep. Dan Crenshaw won his 2024 primary in Texas’ 2nd District by a wider margin than Gonzales. But he still came up shy of 60% against an underfunded opponent. That’s the danger zone. And his occasional swipes at more extreme portions of the GOP base make him vulnerable.
His race also features an unusual setup. Trump and Gov. Greg Abbott haven’t endorsed him. And Sen. Ted Cruz has endorsed and cut an ad for his primary opponent, state Rep. Steve Toth.
The ad doesn’t mention Crenshaw, but Cruz clearly takes a swipe at him, saying, “You deserve an unwavering fighter, a Republican who walks the walk.”
Were Crenshaw to lose a primary, it would be a big setback for someone once thought to be a possible candidate for higher office.
Are Democrats recovering with Latinos in South Texas?
Republicans placed a big bet when they tried to draw five new GOP congressional districts in Texas last year: that they could keep Trump’s big gains among Latino voters in South Texas from 2024.
But Latinos have soured on Trump faster than just about any other group since that election.
And if they swing hard back toward Democrats, the new districts could backfire on Republicans. It’s a concept called a “dummymander.”
Keep an eye out for whether turnout in the Democratic primaries in South Texas is higher than the GOP primaries.
Who does the GOP get in a top-targeted race in North Carolina?
Republicans targeted Democratic Rep. Don Davis of North Carolina with their mid-decade redistricting last year. He survived in a Trump-voting district in 2024, but now it’s a double-digit Trump district and one of the GOP’s most attractive pickup opportunities.
One of the hopefuls is Laurie Buckhout, a former Trump administration official who fell to Davis by just 2 points in the old district in 2024. The crowded GOP field also includes local Sheriff Asa Buck and state Sen. Bobby Hanig.
Could a powerful longtime state legislator fall?
It takes a lot for a state legislative race to make a list like this. But Republican North Carolina Senate President Phil Berger’s tough primary against Rockingham County Sheriff Sam Page qualifies.
For one, Berger has held that position for 15 years.
For another, it’s been a powerful post. North Carolina has had a lot of Democratic governors of late. But because it’s often had veto-proof Republican state legislative majorities, that means Berger has exercised outsized power in the state.
And the contest is so big that Trump has actually endorsed in a state legislative race. He backed Berger after the incumbent gave him his much-desired new congressional map last year. Trump even offered Page a job in his administration to get him out of the race.
But Page stayed in, and now we see if Berger can survive.