美国要完全掌控霍尔木兹海峡难如登天,原因如下


2026-07-14T06:42:00-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-iran-war-strait-of-hormuz-control-difficulties/

华盛顿讯——数月来,特朗普总统一直试图迫使伊朗完全重新开放霍尔木兹海峡,手段包括空袭、海军封锁、谈判以及威胁要摧毁“一整个文明”。

但专家表示,要让这条至关重要的中东航运通道的油轮运输恢复到战前水平,美国可能需要规模更大的舰队,甚至需要数万美军进驻伊朗领土。尽管双方时有交火,但伊朗仍能利用无人机和导弹瞄准这条狭长波斯湾水道上的船只,而伊朗的国土面积是美国本土的三分之一,这些武器早已藏匿其中。

“几十年来,伊朗一直在为这种非对称冲突做准备,”中东研究所高级研究员、前五角大楼官员杰森·H·坎贝尔说道。“我认为他们现在正在证明,为什么自里根总统以来,没有哪位美国总统选择在这种冲突级别上与伊朗交手——因为他们有能力彻底扰乱霍尔木兹海峡的航运。”

特朗普周一表示,美国将重新对伊朗港口实施封锁,并将向其他船只收取通过海峡的安全通行费。

“我们将重新实施《伊朗封锁令》,之所以这么命名,是因为该命令只会阻止伊朗船只或其客户进出伊朗,”总统周一上午在Truth Social上发帖称。“所有其他国家都可以公平、开放地使用这条海峡。”

在同一条帖子中,总统表示美国将“大概率管控”霍尔木兹海峡,并对货物运输收取20%的费用。

伊朗方面坚称,这条通常承担全球20%石油运输量的狭窄水道处于其控制之下。而过去一周,双方在一系列小规模冲突中交火,这有可能引发全面战争。

Vithun Khamsong / 盖蒂图片社

一场“意志较量”正在上演

这凸显了特朗普所处的困境:海峡内的商业航运仍陷入停滞,油价再次上涨,而伊朗毫无投降迹象。这场战争在美国国内不得人心,加之汽油价格高企,可能会对即将到来的中期选举产生影响。

“他们原本以为局势已在掌控之中,现在却看到局势再次升级,市场对此反应消极,”卡内基国际和平基金会中东项目非常驻学者、佛罗里达国际大学政治学与国际关系教授埃里克·洛布说道。

“这实际上是一场意志较量,要看伊朗愿意承受多大的经济损失,也要看到11月大选前,这场冲突会给特朗普和共和党带来多大的经济损失乃至政治责任,”洛布补充道。

在成为华盛顿中东研究所的研究员之前,坎贝尔曾在兰德公司担任研究员,期间与美国军方合作模拟针对伊朗的战争推演场景。

“他们现在的行动,恰恰是所有这类情景推演中讨论过的那些战术,”坎贝尔说道。

坎贝尔表示,伊朗在不同设施分散生产武器部件,以降低被攻击的风险。其军事单位通常无需等待德黑兰的命令即可行动,且不会大规模集结,这让空袭效果大打折扣。

几乎肯定需要美军地面部队介入

“很难想象,在没有地面部队的情况下,任何 scenario 都能稳妥地确保霍尔木兹海峡的安全,”坎贝尔说道。

他表示,此举需要数万美军,不仅要清除伊朗隐藏的弹药,还要保卫数百英里的海岸线和大片内陆领土。美军很可能会遭遇游击袭击。

组建这样一支部队需要数月时间,且“成本极高”,坎贝尔说道。

特朗普周一晚间坚称,“海峡目前是开放的,今后也将保持开放”,并表示美国在短短几个月内已大幅削弱了伊朗的军事能力。伊朗则誓言将反击美国对海峡的任何干涉。

美国海军可能捉襟见肘

专家表示,另一种确保商业船只安全通过海峡的方式是继续并升级美国军舰护航民用船只的行动,但这本身也面临挑战和成本。

上世纪80年代,伊朗在与邻国伊拉克的战争中以航运为目标,美国当时曾开展过护航行动。当时美国为伊拉克独裁者萨达姆·侯赛因提供情报、武器和其他援助,为挂美国国旗的科威特油船提供护航。

曾担任美国军事分析师的迈克尔·艾森施塔特表示,如今要开展类似行动,需要大量美军军舰,而当前美国舰队的规模小于上世纪80年代。

“即便如此,仍需要动用美国舰队的相当大一部分力量,长期投入这项任务,”现任华盛顿近东政策研究所军事与安全研究项目主任的艾森施塔特说道。

他表示,如今的环境要复杂得多,因为伊朗已经拥有了先进的作战能力,包括发动无人机和导弹袭击的能力。

“如果我们要采取必要行动来确保航道安全,比如派人上岸清除反巡航导弹和无人机发射阵地,美军人员的伤亡可能会增加;如果同时开展护航行动,伤亡风险也可能上升,”艾森施塔特补充道。

由于担心伊朗布设的水雷,商业船只一直在避开传统航道。伊朗要求船只使用靠近其海岸线的航线,并表示根据结束战争的临时协议,他们有可能收取相关费用。在美国无人机和飞机的护航行动下,船只越来越多地沿着阿曼海岸的南部航线航行。

美国中央司令部发言人蒂姆·霍金斯上尉表示,针对海峡的部分传统航道的扫雷行动正在进行中,但“替代航道已经开放”。

尽管南部航线仍未能阻止伊朗对船只的袭击,美国军方因此打击了伊朗的防空系统、雷达阵地、导弹和无人机装备以及小型船只。

仅凭威胁就足以让德黑兰达成目的

但华盛顿近东政策研究所专注于中东能源和海事风险的高级研究员诺阿姆·雷丹表示,伊朗仅凭威胁就足以阻断海峡的商业航运。

“他们不需要发动无人机和导弹袭击——只需通过海事无线电频道发出一些威胁,”雷丹说道。“仅此一点,就足以吓退大量海员。”

战略与国际研究中心能源安全非常驻研究员克莱顿·西格尔表示,特朗普政府并未兑现战争初期做出的承诺,即军事援助那些因冲突而陷入困境的航运船只。

“那些海军护航行动、美军军舰以及像地面驻军这样的大规模部署始终没有实现,因为我认为当时的言论有些超出了我们的风险承受能力,”西格尔说道。“当真正面临抉择时,美国并未准备好部署海军或其他军事力量,即便只是为了抵消那些威胁所需的最低规模都做不到。”

Gaining full control of Strait of Hormuz has proven exceptionally hard for U.S. Here’s why.

2026-07-14T06:42:00-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-iran-war-strait-of-hormuz-control-difficulties/

Washington — President Trump has been trying to force Iran to fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz for months, turning to everything from airstrikes and naval blockades to negotiations and threats to destroy a “whole civilization.”

But restoring oil tanker traffic in the vital Middle East shipping corridor to prewar flows likely will require a much bigger armada of U.S. warships if not tens of thousands of American troops on Iranian soil, experts say. Despite on-and-off fighting, Iran can still target vessels in the slim Persian Gulf waterway with drones and missiles that have been hidden in a country a third the size of the continental United States.

“Iran has been preparing for this type of asymmetric conflict for decades now,” said Jason H. Campbell, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute and a former Pentagon official. “I think they’re starting to demonstrate why no other U.S. president since Reagan has elected to engage at this level of conflict with Iran, because they have that ability to completely disrupt the Strait of Hormuz.”

Mr. Trump said Monday that the U.S. is reimposing its blockade on Iran’s ports and will charge other ships for safe passage through the strait.

“We are reinstating the THE IRANIAN BLOCKADE, so named because it is only stopping Iran’s ships or customers from entering or leaving,” the president posted on Truth Social Monday morning. “All other countries will have fair and open use of the Strait.”

In the same post, the president said the U.S. would “probably run” the Strait of Hormuz and impose a 20% fee on cargo shipments.

Iran has insisted it controls the narrow waterway through which 20% of the world’s oil normally flows, while both sides have exchanged fire over the past week in a series of skirmishes that threaten a return to all-out war.

Vithun Khamsong / Getty Images

“Test of wills” playing out

It underscores the bind Mr. Trump is in as commercial shipping remains stifled in the strait, oil prices are rising again and Iran has shown no sign of capitulating. The war has been unpopular with many Americans and could factor into the upcoming midterm elections with gas prices high.

“They thought the situation was under control, and now they’re seeing renewed escalations, and the markets responding negatively to this,” said Eric Lob, a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Middle East program and a professor of politics and international relations at Florida International University.

“It’s really a kind of test of wills to see how much economic pain the Iranians are willing to absorb and then how much economic pain and even political liability this could be for Trump and the Republicans heading into November,” Lob said.

Before he was a scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington, Campbell was a researcher at RAND, where he worked in coordination with the U.S. military to simulate war-game scenarios against Iran.

“The things they’re doing now are precisely the types of things that were discussed and came up in really all of these types of situational scenarios,” Campbell said.

Iran produces parts for its weapons across different facilities to reduce their risk of being attacked, Campbell said. Its military units are often allowed to operate without waiting for orders from Tehran. They don’t often mass in one place, making airstrikes less effective.

U.S. boots on the ground would almost surely be needed

“It’s very difficult to envision any scenario where you could satisfactorily secure the Strait of Hormuz absent ground forces,” Campbell said.

Doing so would require tens of thousand of troops, Campbell said, not only to take out Iran’s hidden munitions but to secure hundreds of miles of coastline and large swaths of inland territory. The U.S. troops would likely face insurgent attacks.

Standing up that kind of force would take a few months and include “very high costs,” Campbell said.

Mr. Trump insisted Monday evening that “the strait is open. It will be open,” and that the U.S. has made significant progress degrading Iran’s capabilities in just a few months. Iran vowed to fight back against any U.S. interference in the strait.

U.S. Navy could be stretched thin

Another way to facilitate commercial traffic safely through the strait would be the continuation – and escalation – of U.S. warships guiding civilian vessels, experts say. But it comes with its own challenges and costs.

The U.S. conducted an escort operation in the 1980s when Iran had targeted shipping as part of its war with neighboring Iraq. The U.S., which supported Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein with intelligence, weaponry and other aid, escorted Kuwaiti oil tankers – which were reflagged as American.

Such an effort today would require a substantial number of U.S. warships at a time when the fleet is smaller than it was in the 1980s, said Michael Eisenstadt, a former U.S. military analyst.

“You’d still need a very large chunk of the U.S. fleet being dedicated to this on an open-ended basis,” said Eisenstadt, who now directs the Military and Security Studies Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

He said it is a much more complicated environment today as Iran has amassed advanced capabilities, including its ability to launch drone and missile strikes.

“If we were to do what we need to do in order to make this work, which might involve putting people ashore in order to clear anti-cruise missile and drone launch sites, the losses of U.S. service members can go up, and if you’re going to do an escort operation also, the losses can potentially go up,” Eisenstadt added.

Commercial vessels have been avoiding traditional routes through the strait out of fear of Iranian mines. Iran has demanded that ships use a route near its coastline and that it can potentially charge fees under an interim deal to end the war. Ships have been increasingly navigating a southern route along the coast of Oman under a U.S. overwatch operation that guided them using drones and aircraft.

Capt. Tim Hawkins, U.S. Central Command spokesman, said mine clearance operations are ongoing for some traditional routes through the strait but that “alternative pathways have been open.”

The southern route hasn’t stopped Iranian attacks on ships, leading the U.S. military to strike Iranian air defense systems, radar sites, missile and drone equipment, and small boats.

Mere threats could suffice for Tehran

But Iran’s threats alone can be enough to halt commerce in the strait, said Noam Raydan, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy focused on energy and maritime risks in the Middle East.

“They don’t need to launch drones and missiles – they can just use the marine radio channel to make some threats,” Raydan said. “And this in itself is enough to scare off a lot of seafarers.”

Clayton Seigle, a nonresident scholar in energy security at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the Trump administration hasn’t followed through on promises it made early on in the war to militarily assist shipments that became a liability of the conflict.

“Those naval escorts, U.S. warships, larger commitments like boots on the ground never came because I think that the rhetoric got a little ahead of our risk tolerance,” Seigle said. “And when push came to shove, the United States was not ready to deploy its Navy, to deploy its other military forces in the capacity that would be needed to even have a shot at neutralizing those threats.”

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