2026-06-18T20:19:11.296Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/06/18/politics/republicans-trump-iran-agreement-congress
- 唐纳德·特朗普总统的伊朗协议正招致强势共和党议员罕见的公开批评,其中包括一些一贯支持其政策的议员。
- 罗杰·威克、特德·克鲁兹等核心共和党人士正对拟议中的3000亿美元重建基金和制裁放松举措提出批评。
- 副总统JD·万斯为该协议辩护,并敦促批评者信任特朗普的谈判手段。
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当国会山的核心共和党议员首次获悉特朗普总统与伊朗达成的协议细节时,一些人震惊得根本不愿就此发表评论。
但在24小时内,一大批共和党参议员开始公开质疑特朗普与伊朗谈判的条款——其中许多人敦促他彻底调整战略。
其中一些人大多不受连任竞选的拖累,正全力抨击特朗普的协议。即将卸任的路易斯安那州参议员比尔·卡西迪在周四将该协议总结为:“伊朗变得更强大,我们变得更弱。”同样即将离开国会的得克萨斯州参议员约翰·康林表示:“我听到的所有相关信息都让我感到担忧。”
“很难说这份协议能让伊朗处境更糟,同时让美国处境更好,”阿拉斯加州参议员丽莎·默尔克瓦斯基说道,她随后补充道:“已经投入了大量资金,也有人员丧生,但伊朗的处境看起来几乎和之前一模一样。”
但更具影响力的共和党声音来自那些几乎从未偏离特朗普党派路线的议员。
越来越多的共和党不满情绪向特朗普发出了鲜明的红色预警:如果不做出重大调整,任何与伊朗的最终协议可能都无法在最终投票中通过——即便在共和党掌控的国会中也是如此。一些人甚至怀疑最终能否达成协议,这将让特朗普和共和党陷入长达数年的棘手僵局,并可能让他们的政党在11月的选举中损失惨重。
据一位要求匿名以便坦诚谈论党内动态的共和党参议员透露,参议院共和党内部“存在高度的不满情绪”。这位参议员还对最终达成协议的前景感到悲观,称他认为伊朗不太可能真正同意最终协议。
参议院多数党领袖约翰·图恩最初对总统的协议鲜有表态,他告诉记者自己仍在“消化”细节,随后补充称他希望“确保经济激励措施以伊朗的表现为条件”,尤其是在其核武器项目方面。当天晚些时候,他称该协议是“朝着正确方向迈出的一步”,但同时指出这只是第一步。
这一切都表明,特朗普政府正处于任期内最艰难的阶段之一,党内支持率正在下滑,甚至在总统的忠实支持者中也是如此。共和党人对特朗普的宴会厅项目、报复行动,以及最近围绕其情报总监的争端日益不满。这可能会让白宫在中期选举前推进其他重要议程的努力复杂化——包括共和党领导人希望在今夏通过的、用于支付伊朗战争行动费用的昂贵法案之争。
其中一位崭露头角的反对声音来自密西西比州参议员罗杰·威克,他是参议院强大的军事委员会的首席共和党议员。白宫披露协议关键细节后,威克一整天都拒绝置评。到周四,有着30年国会任职经历的威克发表了一份措辞激烈的声明,猛烈抨击该协议的大部分内容,尤其是3000亿美元的重建基金以及解除制裁的决定。
“我担心这份谅解备忘录会以完全违背总统目标的方式,放弃‘史诗愤怒行动’的成果,”威克在声明中写道。他表示,特朗普提出的3000亿美元基金,会让伊朗在与当时的总统巴拉克·奥巴马达成的旧协议中获得的好处“相比之下显得微不足道”——他指的是2015年的伊核协议,他曾称该协议糟糕至极,让人联想到旨在阻止阿道夫·希特勒的1938年《慕尼黑协定》的失败。
在接受记者询问特朗普正在推进的协议时,威克对公开表态十分谨慎,拒绝回答更多问题,而是向记者分发了他的声明副本。但威克并非唯一尖锐批评特朗普谈判的人。
得克萨斯州参议员特德·克鲁兹是坚定的伊朗强硬派,他猛烈抨击特朗普推动3000亿美元重建基金、解冻资产以及允许伊朗因重新开放霍尔木兹海峡而获利的计划。
“历史表明,向想要杀害我们的神权疯子提供数十亿美元是一个极其糟糕的主意,我认为不幸的是,总统在这份协议上收到了一些非常糟糕的建议,”克鲁兹说道。“如果我们给伊朗数十亿美元,这笔钱将被用于杀害美国人,所以我认为我们不应该这么做。”
另一位伊朗强硬派、爱荷华州参议员乔尼·恩斯特将在任期结束后退休,她的批评态度不同寻常。
“我认为我们很多人都希望充分了解政府的想法,以及他们将如何推进此事,”她告诉记者。当被问及3000亿美元基金时,她说:“我必须知道这笔钱从何而来,因为如果全部都是美国纳税人的钱,我认为我的选民不会对此感到高兴。”
在白宫努力推销该协议之际,许多参议员表示他们等待政府提供详细的简报。据一位知情人士透露,周四下午,白宫首次与议员们举行电话会议,详解具体细节,向国会领导层以及参议院外交关系委员会和众议院外交事务委员会的核心议员进行了通报。
同样在周四,副总统JD·万斯淡化了国会山出现的反对声音的重要性。
“我想对所有批评者说:首先,对美国总统多一点信心。认为他会达成一项对美国人民不利的协议,这太荒谬了,”万斯在白宫新闻发布会上说道,随后补充道:“我不认为我们的公共信息传递混乱不堪。”
一些资深共和党人,比如南卡罗来纳州参议员林赛·格雷厄姆,已亲自与特朗普的一些谈判代表取得联系。
但持怀疑态度的盟友特别指出,国务卿马可·卢比奥没有公开宣传该协议——这位伊朗强硬派在华盛顿共和党人中广受信任。
“让JD·万斯作为代言人,而不是马可·卢比奥,这不会提升共和党人对这份协议的信心,”一位前特朗普高级官员说道,他呼应了议员们私下的担忧,即政府正放松对伊朗的施压,而此时本应最大化施压。“伊朗什么都不会做,我们会给他们大笔现金,之后他们不会放弃任何东西,届时你会被指责达成了一份糟糕的协议。”
在白宫内部,官员们抱怨美国与伊朗及其他调解国达成的、在周五之前不公布协议文本的协议,现在正阻碍他们管理协议公布的能力。特朗普和包括卢比奥在内的其他几位高级官员也在海外参加G7峰会,限制了他们向国内议员和盟友宣传协议好处的能力。
万斯原本计划就他的新书接受多家媒体采访,他承担了首席发言人的角色,将该协议吹捧为一项“双赢”方案,有望改变美国与伊朗的关系——如果失败,至少可以确保伊朗的核能力被彻底摧毁。
但他只能提供协议的大致框架。由于没有纸质文本可供分享,特朗普的盟友和共和党议员大多拒绝立即予以支持——这一真空很快被直言不讳的怀疑论者和大量相互矛盾的信息填补。
“我们都在假装知道里面写了什么,”一位特朗普顾问本周表示,当时共和党内部的不满情绪蔓延。“我不知道里面写了什么。”
在审查力度加大之际,特朗普政府周三采取了一种创造性的方式绕过此前达成的不公布协议文本的约定:在电话会议上向记者大声宣读协议内容,让媒体得以完整发布协议全文。
与此同时,白宫官员本周一直在试图平息共和党议员的焦虑,希望说服他们暂时不要公开批评。
格雷厄姆在与中东特使史蒂夫·维特科夫夫讨论后认可了该协议——这位伊朗强硬派最初反应平淡——特朗普官员将此视为一场尤其重大的胜利。(几天前,格雷厄姆告诉记者,他“怀疑”伊朗是否会在谈判结束前放弃其核野心。)
但即便格雷厄姆周四也承认,“对这份谅解备忘录的一些批评是合理的”。
几乎没有共和党议员愿意全力支持该协议——这种不愿表态的态度在几天的负面报道中激怒了特朗普。
“这些蠢货,他们以为我对伊朗不够强硬,而股市刚刚创下历史新高,油价也在‘暴跌’,他们要么是嫉妒,要么是坏人,要么是愚蠢,”特朗普周四凌晨4点32分在Truth Social上发帖称。
大约五个小时后,他跟进发帖:“我们的国家比以往任何时候都更强大、更安全、更受尊重。‘不客气!’”
CNN的安妮·格雷尔对本报道亦有贡献。
Trump’s Iran agreement draws rare reproach from powerful Republicans
2026-06-18T20:19:11.296Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/06/18/politics/republicans-trump-iran-agreement-congress
- President Donald Trump’s Iran agreement is drawing rare public criticism from powerful Republican senators, including from some who typically support his policies.
- Key GOP figures like Roger Wicker and Ted Cruz are criticizing the proposed $300 billion reconstruction fund and sanctions relief.
- Vice President JD Vance defended the agreement and urged critics to have faith in Trump’s dealmaking.
AI-generated summary was reviewed by a CNN editor.
As key Republicans on Capitol Hill first learned the details of President Donald Trump’s agreement with Iran, some were so stunned that they simply wouldn’t speak about it.
But within 24 hours, a significant bloc of GOP senators has begun openly doubting the terms of Trump’s Iran negotiations — with many urging him to pivot his strategy entirely.
Some, mostly those unburdened by reelection campaigns, are full-on hammering Trump’s agreement, with outgoing Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy on Thursday summing it up as: “Iran’s left stronger, we are left weaker.” Texas Sen. John Cornyn, who’s also leaving Congress, said: “Everything I’ve heard about, it causes me concern.”
“It’s tough to say that the agreement is one that leaves Iran in a worse place and the United States in a better place,” Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski said, adding later: “A lot of money has been spent, some lives have been lost and yet you have Iran in a place where it almost looks like this is where they were before.”
But the more significant Republican voices are those who have rarely, if ever, veered from the Trump party line.
The growing chorus of Republican angst offers a flashing red warning sign to Trump: Without major changes, any final deal with Iran may not survive an eventual vote – even in a GOP-controlled Congress. Some doubt a final agreement will be reached at all, leaving Trump and the GOP in a messy limbo that could last for years and cost their party greatly in November.
There is “a high level of dismay” in the Senate GOP, according to one Republican senator, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly about party dynamics. The senator was also pessimistic about the prospects of a final agreement, saying they thought it unlikely that Iran would actually agree to a final deal.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune initially said little on the president’s agreement, telling reporters he was still “digesting” the details and later adding that he wanted “to make sure that the financial incentives are conditioned upon Iran’s performance,” particularly on its nuclear weapons. Later in the day, he called it “a step in the right direction” but noted that he saw it as a first step.
It all signals eroding support across the party, even among the president’s loyalists, at one of the most difficult stretches of Trump’s presidency, with growing GOP angst at his ballroom project, his retribution campaign, and, more recently, the battle over his intelligence chief. And it could complicate the White House’s push to accomplish much else before the midterms — including the looming battle over an expensive bill to pay for Iran war operations that GOP leaders hope to pass this summer.
One of those emerging voices of dissent is Sen. Roger Wicker of Mississippi, the top Republican on the Senate’s powerful Armed Services Committee. Wicker declined to comment for a full day after the White House revealed key details of the agreement. By Thursday, Wicker, who’s served three decades in Congress, issued a blistering statement blasting much of the agreement, particularly the $300 billion in rebuilding fund and the decision to lift sanctions.
“I am concerned that the memorandum of understanding negotiates away the victories of Operation Epic Fury in ways that are completely out of step with the President’s goals,” Wicker wrote in the statement. He said Trump’s plan for a $300 billion fund would make the perks for Iran in a prior deal with then-President Barack Obama “look like a pittance by comparison” — referring to the 2015 deal that he once said was so bad that it was reminiscent of the failed 1938 Munich Accords intended to stop Adolf Hitler.
Speaking to reporters about Trump’s emerging deal, Wicker was so careful with his public messaging that he declined to answer further questions, instead passing out copies of his statement to reporters. But Wicker was not alone in his sharp criticism of Trump’s negotiations.
Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, a staunch Iran hawk, lit into Trump’s push for that $300 billion reconstruction fund, releasing frozen assets and allowing Iran to potentially profit from reopening the Strait of Hormuz.
“History demonstrates that giving billions of dollars to theocratic lunatics who want to murder us is an exceptionally bad idea, and I think unfortunately the president is receiving some really bad advice on this deal,” Cruz said. “If we give billions of dollars to Iran, that money will be used to murder Americans, and so I don’t believe we should do that.”
Another Iran hawk, Sen. Joni Ernst of Iowa, who is retiring at the end of her term, was uncharacteristically critical in her assessment.
“I think there are many of us that just really want to fully understand what the administration is thinking, where they’re going to go with this,” she told reporters. Asked about the $300 billion fund, she said, “I have to know where that money is coming from, because I don’t think my constituents are going to be really happy about it if that’s all US taxpayer dollars.”
As the White House struggled to sell the agreement, many senators said they awaited a detailed briefing from the administration. On Thursday afternoon, the White House held its first call with members to walk through the specifics, briefing congressional leadership and top lawmakers on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and House Foreign Affairs Committee, a person familiar with the matter said.
Also Thursday, Vice President JD Vance downplayed the significance of the blowback coming from Capitol Hill.
“I guess I would say to anybody, any of the critics is: Number one, have a little bit of faith in the president United States. The idea that he is going to strike a deal that’s been bad for the American people, it’s preposterous,” Vance said during a White House press briefing, adding later: “I don’t think our public messaging has been chaotic.”
Some senior Republicans, like South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham, have personally been in touch with some of Trump’s negotiators.
But skeptical allies noted in particular the absence of Secretary of State Marco Rubio in publicly touting the agreement — an Iran hawk widely trusted by Republicans in Washington.
“To make JD Vance the face of it rather than Marco Rubio, it’s not going to increase confidence among Republicans that this is a good deal,” said a former senior Trump official, echoing lawmakers’ private worries that the administration was easing off Iran just as it should be maximizing its pressure. “The Iranians aren’t going to do jack sh*t, we’re going to give them a bunch of cash, they’re not giving up anything after that and you’re going to be accused of having done a bad deal.”
Inside the White House, officials lamented that the US’ commitment to Iran and other mediating countries to not publish the text of the agreement until Friday was now hampering their ability to manage its rollout. Trump and several other senior officials, including Rubio, were also overseas at the G7 summit, limiting their ability to message the merits of the pact to lawmakers and allies back home.
Vance, who was already slated to talk with several media outlets about his new book, assumed the role of chief messenger, touting the agreement as a “win-win” that could transform the US’ relationship with Iran — or failing that, at least ensure that the nation’s nuclear capabilities had been decimated.
But he could only provide the broad strokes of the deal. And without a hard copy to share, Trump allies and GOP lawmakers largely declined to immediately endorse it — creating a vacuum that was quickly filled by vocal skeptics and a glut of conflicting information.
“We’re all pretending we know what’s in it,” one Trump adviser said this week, as frustrations spread across the Republican Party. “I don’t know what’s in it.”
Amid the intensifying scrutiny, Trump officials on Wednesday resorted to a creative way around the deal they’d made not to release the text: Reading it aloud to reporters on a conference call, enabling media outlets to effectively publish the agreement in full.
White House officials in the meantime sought throughout the week to tamp down GOP lawmakers’ anxieties, hoping to convince them to hold their fire in public.
Graham’s endorsement of the pact following a discussion with Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff — which came after the Iran hawk’s initial tepid reaction — was viewed by Trump officials as a particularly big victory. (Days earlier, Graham told reporters he was “skeptical” that Iran will drop its nuclear ambitions by the end of negotiations.)
But even Graham acknowledged Thursday that “some of the criticism of the memo of understanding is valid.”
Few Republican lawmakers have been willing to offer their full-throated support for the agreement — a reluctance that fed Trump’s anger over the days of unflattering coverage.
“These fools, who think I haven’t been tough enough on Iran, when the Stock Market Just Hit a RECORD HIGH, and Oil prices are ‘tumbling’ down, are either jealous, bad people, or stupid,” Trump posted on Truth Social at 4:32 a.m. ET on Thursday.
Some five hours later, he followed up: “OUR COUNTRY IS STRONG, SAFE, AND RESPECTED LIKE NEVER BEFORE. ‘YOU’RE WELCOME!’”
CNN’s Annie Grayer contributed to this report.
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