2026-06-04T04:00:07.675Z / 美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）
四名共和党议员与本党决裂，推动众议院通过一项限制唐纳德·特朗普总统伊朗战争权力的决议，这是对其总统任期最严厉的立法谴责之一。
此次投票凸显出共和党对特朗普处理战争问题的不满日益加剧，而他在11月大选前的支持率已跌至历史新低。
随着国会制约特朗普的部分优先政策，他在其他多个议题上的政治空间也愈发受限。
在周三众议院就限制特朗普伊朗战争权力的决议投票前，众议院议长迈克·约翰逊曾呼吁共和党议员反对该决议。
他在接受CNN记者马努·拉朱采访时多次表示，该决议“危险”，会削弱特朗普达成结束战争协议的谈判筹码。
而事实确实如此：此类投票即便在特朗普所在的共和党内部也传递出继续作战的决心不足。
但仍有四名共和党议员投下赞成票，使该决议以215票对208票获得通过，成为对特朗普总统任期最严厉的立法谴责之一。
如果该决议在参议院获得通过——100名参议员中有50人似乎已表示支持——那么特朗普将要么从伊朗撤军，要么获得国会对战争的授权。
白宫此前已暗示认为相关法律违宪，可能会试图无视该决议。
但至少，众议院此次投票清晰地表明，共和党议员对特朗普及其造成政治恶果的战争的耐心正在大幅流失。这一迹象表明，尽管人数不多，但显然有相当数量的共和党议员不愿再给特朗普时间去寻找解决方案。
其结果是，特朗普正愈发陷入困局。
这对这位总统而言已不是新鲜处境，他的支持率已跌至历史新低。随着共和党在11月大选面临潜在惨败，且伊朗战争正陷入泥潭，特朗普正逐渐失去对未来局势的掌控。
肯尼迪中心与“反武器化”基金上的退让
过去一周的一系列事件不断表明，特朗普正被迫应对这种愈发逼仄的政治现实。
首先，他显然在肯尼迪中心相关事宜上作出退让，更重要的是，其政府在“反武器化”基金问题上态度反转——该基金用于赔偿那些声称遭拜登政府不当对待的人士。
关于肯尼迪中心，特朗普在周五收到联邦法院关于其姓名出现在该建筑标识上的不利裁决后，暗示将让国会接管这座演艺中心。
这完全不符合特朗普一贯的行事风格。这位总统常常行事仿佛认为联邦政府其他分支根本不存在。但此次他却受到司法部门的制约，并表示将把事务移交立法部门。
不过，特朗普陷入困局的更典型案例体现在“反武器化”基金问题上。
除了再次遭遇不利的法院裁决，他还看到参议院共和党几乎一致反对该方案——这种反对可能威胁到他的其他立法优先事项。共和党议员似乎担心，特朗普会将这17.76亿美元用作不受监管的“政治分肥基金”，奖励其盟友——甚至包括2021年1月6日袭击国会大厦的暴力参与者。
这一情况让人联想到特朗普东翼宴会厅项目：国会共和党议员拒绝为特朗普请求的该项目拨款，认为这是一个存在政治问题的个人偏好项目。
特朗普及其身边人士就其是否已彻底放弃“反武器化”基金发出了混乱信号：代理司法部长托德·布兰奇称该计划已夭折，但特朗普本人的态度却并不坚决。
但毫无疑问，国会已制约了特朗普的选择，这种情况在其任期内并不多见——正如他在伊朗战争权力问题上遭遇的情况一样。
鉴于特朗普并未亲口承诺放弃该基金，甚至有传言称国会可能投票阻止他推进此事。当然，这类选项一直都存在，但共和党议员此前一直不愿动用，担心激怒特朗普。
特朗普的政治灵活性也在其他方面受到制约。
特朗普周二任命联邦住房金融局局长比尔·普尔特担任代理国家情报总监——尽管他显然完全没有情报工作经验——但这一任命在国会山共和党议员中反响极差。
有传言称，由于民主党方面的威胁，如果特朗普希望国会 renewal 即将到期的关键间谍权力法案——《外国情报监控法》第702条（该法案此前已让国会焦头烂额），就可能被迫撤回对普尔特的任命。（续期《外国情报监控法》第702条需要民主党议员的投票支持。）
特朗普还在周二的初选中遭遇重大挫折。此前在近期的初选中，他成功推翻了三名资深国会在任议员和一系列印第安纳州共和党州参议员，但他支持的候选人、众议员兰迪·芬斯特拉在爱荷华州共和党州长初选中落败。
其中一些落选的在任议员如今已无需担心连任竞选，他们可能会成为特朗普在国会的麻烦——这种不满情绪合情合理。
其中来自肯塔基州的众议员托马斯·马西周三继续与特朗普唱反调，投票支持了战争权力决议。另外两名议员，来自德克萨斯州的参议员约翰·科尼恩和来自路易斯安那州的参议员比尔·卡西迪，发表的评论也愈发毫不掩饰，尤其是卡西迪，听起来在未来几个月里可能会成为特朗普的一大麻烦。
（卡西迪在上月落选后，突然投票支持参议院推进一项战争权力决议。）
所有这些都还没提及让特朗普陷入困局的最核心因素：伊朗战争本身。
在这一节点，特朗普似乎根本找不到体面的脱身之法。
他表现得仿佛有充足时间，通过封锁拖垮伊朗经济，迫使伊朗领导人俯首称臣达成协议。
但几乎没有迹象表明，这一进程的速度能满足特朗普及其国内政治考量。也有充分理由怀疑伊朗不会同意特朗普真正能当作“好协议”的任何条款。而且他多次威胁要重启大规模军事打击，德黑兰似乎已不再将这一威胁当回事。
“那里的停火与世界其他地区的停火大不相同，”特朗普周三在记者会上为持续进行的谈判辩护时说道，当时双方刚刚爆发新一轮交火。他甚至暗示某份协议可能在本周末达成。
当然，他此前多次宣称协议即将达成。而众议院显然并不买账，四名共和党议员的投票成为迄今为止限制特朗普行动最引人注目的举措之一。
如果参议院也效仿众议院的做法，那特朗普将真正彻底陷入绝境。
Iran war powers rebuke shows how Trump is increasingly boxed in
2026-06-04T04:00:07.675Z / CNN
Four Republicans broke with their party to pass a House resolution reining in President Donald Trump’s Iran war powers, delivering one of the biggest legislative rebukes of his presidency.
The vote signals growing GOP impatience with Trump’s handling of the war as his poll numbers sink to historic lows ahead of November’s elections.
And Trump is looking increasingly politically constrained on other fronts too as Congress checks some of his priorities.
Ahead of a House vote Wednesday on whether to rein in President Donald Trump’s Iran war powers, Speaker Mike Johnson pleaded with Republicans to oppose it.
In an interview with CNN’s Manu Raju, he repeatedly said it would be “dangerous” and would sap Trump of negotiating power to cut a deal to end the war.
And the thing is: Johnson had a point. Such votes signal a lack of resolve even in Trump’s own party to continue the war.
But four Republicans voted for it anyway, allowing the resolution to pass 215-208 and delivering Trump one of the biggest legislative rebukes of his presidency.
If the resolution were to pass in the Senate — where 50 of 100 senators have appeared to support it — Trump would be required to either withdraw troops from Iran or gain Congress’ approval for the war.
The White House, which has signaled it believes the underlying law is unconstitutional, could try to ignore the resolution.
But at the very least, the House vote was a striking commentary on just how much Republicans appear to be losing patience with Trump and his politically damaging war. It was a sign that a small but clearly significant number of them are less willing to give him time to try and figure a way out.
The result is that Trump is increasingly boxed in.
And that’s becoming a familiar position for the president, whose poll numbers have dropped to historic lows. With potential destruction looming for the GOP in November and as the Iran war trends towards a quagmire, Trump is losing control of what lies ahead.
Retreating on the Kennedy Center and ‘anti-weaponization’ fund
The last week has repeatedly shown how Trump is being forced to grapple with this more claustrophobic political reality.
First, there was his apparent retreat on controlling the Kennedy Center and, more significantly, his administration reversing itself on the “anti-weaponization” fund to compensate those who claim they were wronged by the Biden administration.
On the Kennedy Center, Trump responded to an adverse ruling by a federal judge Friday about his name being on the building by signaling that he would let Congress take over the performing arts center.
That’s a very un-Trump sentiment if there ever was one. This is a president who often governs as if he wishes the other branches of the federal government simply didn’t exist. Yet here he was, getting checked by the judicial branch and signaling he would just turn things over to the legislative branch.
The bigger example of Trump being boxed in, though, comes with the “anti-weaponization” fund.
In addition to another adverse court ruling there, he’s seen Senate Republicans speak out almost in unison against the idea — in a way that could threaten his other legislative priorities. They seem to fear that Trump would use the $1.776 billion as an unaccountable slush fund to reward his allies — up to and including violent January 6, 2021, defendants who assaulted police.
The situation carries echoes of Trump’s East Wing ballroom, where congressional Republicans have balked at providing money Trump has requested for what they view as a politically problematic pet project.
Trump and those around him have sent confusing signals about just how much they’ve abandoned the “anti-weaponization” fund, with acting Attorney General Todd Blanche saying the idea is dead but Trump sounding less resolved.
But there’s no question that Congress has checked Trump and limited his options in a way it rarely has — much like on his Iran war powers.
Given Trump hasn’t personally committed to dropping the fund, there is even talk about Congress potentially voting to prevent him from ever pursuing it. That kind of option has always been on the table, of course, but it’s one Republicans have been loath to reach for, for fear of inflaming Trump.
Trump’s political maneuverability is also being constrained in other ways.
Trump’s selection Tuesday of Federal Housing Finance Agency director Bill Pulte as the acting director of national intelligence — despite his apparent complete lack of intelligence experience — has gone over like a lead balloon among Republicans on Capitol Hill.
And there is talk that, because of Democratic threats, Trump might be forced to back down on Pulte’s selection if he wants Congress to renew crucial spying powers — Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) — that are due to expire soon and were already giving Congress fits. (Democratic votes will be necessary to renew Section 702.)
Trump also suffered a significant setback in Tuesday’s primaries. After unseating three high-profile congressional incumbents and a series of Indiana GOP state senators in recent primaries, he saw his endorsed candidate, Rep. Randy Feenstra, lose the GOP gubernatorial primary in Iowa.
And some of those defeated incumbents are looking like problems for Trump in Congress now that they don’t have reelection bids to worry about — and might be understandably disillusioned.
One of them, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, continued to vote against Trump by supporting the war powers resolution on Wednesday. Two others, Sens. John Cornyn of Texas and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, are offering increasingly unvarnished commentary, with Cassidy in particular sounding like he could be a real thorn in Trump’s side for the next few months.
(After his defeat last month, Cassidy suddenly voted to allow a war powers resolution to proceed in the Senate.)
All that is to say nothing of what’s boxing Trump in most of all: the Iran war itself.
At this point, there just doesn’t seem to be a good way out of it for the president.
He is acting as if he’s got all the time in the world to let his blockade bleed the Iranian economy and force its leaders to come crawling to him for a deal.
But there is little sign that it’s happening fast enough for Trump and his domestic political concerns. There is plenty of reason to doubt Iran would agree to anything Trump could truly sell as a good deal. And he has bluffed so many times about restarting large-scale military strikes that Tehran doesn’t seem to be taking that threat seriously anymore.
“A ceasefire there is much different than a ceasefire in other parts of the world,” Trump told reporters Wednesday as he tried to defend ongoing negotiations amid the latest exchange of fire. He even suggested some sort of deal could come together this weekend.
Of course, he’s suggested a deal was nigh many times before. And the House apparently wasn’t buying it, with those four Republicans delivering one of the most striking efforts to restrict Trump to date.
If the Senate follows suit, he’ll really find himself inside a box.
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