巴基斯坦:美国最复杂的盟友——以及特朗普为何再次押注该国


2026年5月27日 美国东部时间凌晨5:00 / 福克斯新闻频道

参议员林赛·格雷厄姆称他“一点都不信任巴基斯坦”,而特朗普则称他们“很棒”

作者:摩根·菲利普斯,福克斯新闻

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随着巴基斯坦陆军参谋长阿西姆·穆尼尔元帅成为与不断升级的伊朗危机相关谈判的关键中间人,华盛顿再次发现自己不得不依赖一个几十年来美国官员都指责其在反恐战争中脚踩两只船的国家。

穆尼尔已成为旨在防止与伊朗再次爆发冲突的谈判中的关键中间人,这让巴基斯坦——尽管多年来一直被指责提供塔利班避难所、进行核扩散以及窝藏奥萨马·本·拉登——重新回到美国中东外交的核心位置。

最新一轮谈判再次暴露了美国外交政策中最大的矛盾之一:尽管多年来两国关系紧张、互不信任,且有指控称巴基斯坦安全机构的部分人员支持袭击美军的激进组织,但华盛顿仍不断求助于巴基斯坦。

伊斯兰堡否认庇护伊朗战机,特朗普称赞巴基斯坦的调解“绝对出色”

有关伊朗军用飞机可能在近期冲突期间被转移至巴基斯坦领土的指控曝光后,巴基斯坦重新承担的外交角色受到了更严格的审查,也暴露了共和党内部的分歧,而伊斯兰堡方面否认了这些说法。

“我一点都不信任巴基斯坦,”南卡罗来纳州共和党参议员林赛·格雷厄姆5月12日表示,“如果他们真的让伊朗战机停在巴基斯坦基地以保护伊朗军事资产,那我觉得我们或许应该找其他人来做调解。”

但特朗普在同一天公开称赞了巴基斯坦领导层。

“他们很棒,”特朗普5月12日对记者说,“我认为巴基斯坦人一直表现很棒。巴基斯坦的元帅和总理都绝对出色。”

“谢巴兹·谢里夫总理和阿西姆·穆尼尔元帅是颇有帮助的调解人,美国感谢巴基斯坦为结束冲突所做的努力。当伊朗的核威胁被永久消除后,整个世界都将更安全、更稳定,”白宫发言人奥利维亚·威尔士在一份声明中告诉福克斯新闻数字频道。

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伊朗议会议长穆罕默德·巴盖尔·加利巴夫于2026年5月23日在伊朗德黑兰会见巴基斯坦国防部队参谋长阿西姆·穆尼尔元帅。

巴基斯坦如何惹怒美国

长期以来,巴基斯坦在美国外交政策中始终处于一种尴尬的位置。

这个拥有核武器的国家与伊朗和阿富汗都接壤,在该地区安全格局中保持着深厚的联系,美国官员历来认为该国战略意义重大,因此不能完全孤立。

即便那些指责巴基斯坦两面三刀的批评人士也承认,由于巴基斯坦拥有核武器、地理位置关键,且对地区激进网络具有影响力,华盛顿一直难以摆脱与伊斯兰堡的联系。

但2011年美军在巴基斯坦阿伯塔巴德击毙本·拉登后,美巴之间的不信任大幅加深——阿伯塔巴德是一座靠近巴基斯坦顶级军事学院的军事城镇。

“我们不得不未经巴基斯坦支持就开展那次行动,这充分说明了我们当时对他们的信任程度,”国防民主基金会高级研究员、《长期战争期刊》编辑比尔·罗吉奥告诉福克斯新闻数字频道。

批评人士和前美国官员长期以来一直质疑巴基斯坦情报部门是否可能不知道本·拉登在阿伯塔巴德的藏身之处,尽管巴基斯坦多次否认故意庇护他。

分析人士表示,巴基斯坦军方领导层多年来一直从与印度的竞争角度看待阿富汗问题,将喀布尔的塔利班友好政府视为对抗印度在该地区影响力的战略筹码。

“他们将阿富汗视为战略纵深,”罗吉奥说。

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2026年4月11日,在美国副总统JD·万斯与伊朗官员在巴基斯坦伊斯兰堡举行会谈抵达后,他与巴基斯坦国防部队参谋长阿西姆·穆尼尔元帅、副总理穆罕默德·伊沙克·达尔、美国大使馆临时代办娜塔莉·A·贝克以及内政部长莫辛·拉扎·纳克维一同行进。

分析人士表示,巴基斯坦安全机构历来对针对巴基斯坦本国的激进组织和被视为对印度或阿富汗有用的组织区别对待——批评人士认为,这种策略导致伊斯兰堡在2001年“9·11”事件后与美国开展反恐合作的同时,仍容忍或与部分塔利班关联组织以及反印度组织保持联系。

巴基斯坦官员也辩称,该国在“9·11”事件后与华盛顿结盟付出了沉重代价,指出巴基斯坦国内多年来遭遇自杀式爆炸、叛乱袭击和动荡不安。

巴基斯坦国防部长近日承认,该国在数十年的地区冲突中为美国和西方做了“脏活”,并辩称与阿富汗反苏战争以及“9·11”后时代相关的政策最终破坏了巴基斯坦自身的稳定。

罗吉奥辩称,巴基斯坦安全机构多年来表面上与华盛顿合作,同时却容忍或支持在阿富汗袭击美军的塔利班关联组织。

“巴基斯坦明知塔利班会杀害美国人,仍支持他们,”他说。

有关伊朗军用飞机可能在近期冲突期间被转移至巴基斯坦领土的指控,也让巴基斯坦最新的外交角色受到了更严格的审查——伊斯兰堡方面否认了这些说法。

巴基斯坦的核历史几十年来也一直在华盛顿引发担忧。巴基斯坦核计划的缔造者阿卜杜勒·卡迪尔·汗后来承认运营过一个核扩散网络,向伊朗、利比亚和朝鲜等国转移核技术和专业知识。

反恐分析人士和前美国官员长期以来一直警告称,即便在“9·11”袭击后,基地组织及其关联组织仍在巴基斯坦部落地区的部分区域找到了避难所,尽管这些网络的规模仍存在争议。

巴基斯坦官员长期以来一直否认支持恐怖组织,并辩称该国自身也深受伊斯兰暴力之害,包括“伊斯兰国呼罗珊省”和巴基斯坦塔利班发动的袭击。伊斯兰堡还否认了近期冲突期间伊朗军用飞机在巴基斯坦境内被庇护的指控。

特朗普为何再次押注巴基斯坦

在本·拉登突袭事件破坏美巴信任十多年后,巴基斯坦军方领导层再次成为华盛顿至关重要的外交渠道——这一次是在不断升级的伊朗危机期间。

最近几周,特朗普越来越多地直接与穆尼尔接触,这强化了外界长期以来的一种看法:巴基斯坦的军方而非民选政府仍是该国的权力中心。

穆尼尔曾担任情报部门负责人,他利用巴基斯坦在该地区的长期关系,将自己定位为华盛顿和德黑兰之间的沟通渠道。

罗吉奥辩称,巴基斯坦还试图通过将自己塑造成该地区的稳定力量来修复其国际形象。

“他们试图树立起自己是该地区和平推动者的形象,”他说。

与伊朗危机相关的早期几轮外交谈判也在伊斯兰堡举行,提升了巴基斯坦作为地区调解人的角色。

在最新一轮涉及伊朗的谈判中,巴基斯坦和卡塔尔似乎已成为互补的外交渠道,而非竞争关系。

分析人士表示,巴基斯坦军方领导层越来越多地将自己定位为华盛顿和德黑兰之间的政治和安全调解人,而卡塔尔则仍是地区谈判中更正式的外交和金融层面的核心参与者。

这是一张巴基斯坦的定位地图,标注了其首都伊斯兰堡和克什米尔地区。

卡塔尔曾主办美国与塔利班之间的谈判,促成了2020年《多哈协定》,为美国最终从阿富汗撤军奠定了框架。随着周末谈判加剧,卡塔尔再次成为核心外交渠道。

巴基斯坦在这些谈判中也发挥了幕后作用,这反映出华盛顿在阿富汗战争期间长期依赖伊斯兰堡与塔利班领导层的联系。

《多哈协定》的批评人士认为,该协定将美国支持的阿富汗政府边缘化,并在2021年塔利班重返权力之前增强了其实力。

自塔利班在阿富汗重新掌权以来,巴基斯坦与塔利班的关系也日益紧张。巴基斯坦官员指责塔利班当局未能阻止激进分子从跨境地区发动对巴基斯坦的袭击,伊斯兰堡还威胁要对在阿富汗边境附近活动的一些组织采取军事行动。

对巴基斯坦政策的分歧反映了一场塑造美国外交政策数十年的更广泛辩论:华盛顿对伊斯兰堡的战略需求是否超过了对该国与激进组织和地区对手关系的长期担忧。

在本·拉登突袭事件破坏美巴信任十多年后,在该地区最动荡的危机之一中,巴基斯坦再次成为美国似乎无法——或不愿——回避的外交渠道。

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Pakistan: America’s most complicated ally — and why Trump is betting on it again

May 27, 2026 5:00am EDT / Fox News

Sen Lindsey Graham says he doesn’t trust Pakistan ‘as far as I can throw them’ while Trump calls them ‘great’

By Morgan Phillips, Fox News

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As Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, emerged as a key intermediary in negotiations tied to the escalating Iran crisis, Washington once again found itself relying on a country that American officials have spent decades accusing of playing both sides in the war on terror.

Munir has emerged as a key intermediary in negotiations aimed at preventing renewed conflict with Iran, placing Pakistan — despite decades of accusations involving Taliban safe havens, nuclear proliferation and Osama bin Laden — back at the center of U.S. diplomacy in the Middle East.

The latest negotiations have again exposed one of the biggest contradictions in U.S. foreign policy: Washington keeps turning to Pakistan even after years of tension, distrust and accusations that elements of the country’s security establishment supported militant groups fighting American troops.

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Pakistan’s renewed diplomatic role has come under heightened scrutiny — and exposed divisions among Republicans — after allegations that Iranian military aircraft may have been moved into Pakistani territory during the recent conflict, claims Islamabad has denied.

“I don’t trust Pakistan as far as I can throw them,” Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said May 12. “If they actually have Iranian aircraft parked in Pakistan bases to protect Iranian military assets, that tells me maybe we should be looking for somebody else to mediate.”

Trump, however, publicly praised Pakistan’s leadership the same day.

“They’re great,” Trump told reporters May 12. “I think the Pakistanis have been great. The field marshal and the prime minister of Pakistan have been absolutely great.”

“Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir have been helpful mediators, and the United States is grateful for Pakistan’s efforts to bring an end to the conflict. When Iran’s nuclear threat is removed for good, the entire world will be safer and more stable,” White House spokesperson Olivia Wales told Fox News Digital in a statement.

Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf meets with chief of Defence Forces of Pakistan, Field Marshal Asim Munir, in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026.(Iranian Parliament Speaker Office/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters)

Where Pakistan burned the US

Pakistan has long occupied an uneasy place in American foreign policy.

The nuclear-armed country borders both Iran and Afghanistan, maintains deep ties across the region’s security landscape and has historically been viewed by U.S. officials as too strategically important to fully isolate.

Even critics who accuse Pakistan of double-dealing acknowledge Washington has struggled to disengage from Islamabad because of the country’s nuclear arsenal, geographic position and influence over regional militant networks.

But distrust between Washington and Islamabad deepened dramatically after U.S. forces killed bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in 2011 — a military town located near the country’s premier military academy.

“The fact that we had to do that operation without Pakistani support speaks volumes as to how much we trusted them,” Bill Roggio, senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and editor of the Long War Journal, told Fox News Digital.

Critics and former U.S. officials long questioned whether Pakistani intelligence could have been unaware of bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad, though Pakistan has repeatedly denied knowingly sheltering him.

Analysts say Pakistan’s military establishment also spent years viewing Afghanistan through the lens of its rivalry with India, seeing a Taliban-friendly government in Kabul as a form of strategic leverage against Indian influence in the region.

“They view Afghanistan as strategic depth,” Roggio said.

Vice President JD Vance walks with Pakistan’s Chief of Defense Forces Field Marshal Asim Munir, Deputy Prime Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar, U.S. Embassy Charge d’Affaires Natalie A. Baker, and Interior Minister Mohsin Raza Naqvi after arriving for talks with Iranian officials in Islamabad, Pakistan, on April 11, 2026.(Jacquelyn Martin/Reuters)

Analysts say Pakistan’s security establishment historically differentiated between militant groups targeting Pakistan itself and groups viewed as useful against India or in Afghanistan — a strategy critics argue led Islamabad to tolerate or maintain ties with some Taliban-linked and anti-India groups even while cooperating with U.S. counterterrorism operations after 9/11.

Pakistani officials also have argued the country paid a heavy price for aligning with Washington after 9/11, pointing to years of suicide bombings, insurgent attacks and instability inside Pakistan itself.

Pakistan’s defense minister recently acknowledged the country had done “dirty work” for the U.S. and the West during decades of regional conflict, arguing policies tied to the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan and the post-9/11 era ultimately destabilized Pakistan itself.

Roggio argued Pakistan’s security establishment spent years publicly cooperating with Washington while simultaneously tolerating or supporting Taliban-linked groups fighting American troops in Afghanistan.

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“Pakistan supported the Taliban knowing that they were killing Americans,” he said.

Pakistan’s latest diplomatic role has also drawn renewed scrutiny after allegations that Iranian military aircraft may have been moved into Pakistani territory during the recent conflict — claims Islamabad has denied.

Pakistan’s nuclear history has fueled concern in Washington for decades as well. Abdul Qadeer Khan, the architect of Pakistan’s nuclear program, later admitted operating a proliferation network that transferred nuclear technology and expertise to countries including Iran, Libya and North Korea.

Counterterrorism analysts and former U.S. officials have long warned that al Qaeda operatives and affiliated groups continued finding sanctuary in parts of Pakistan’s tribal regions even after the 9/11 attacks, though the scale of those networks remains debated.

Pakistani officials have long denied supporting terrorist organizations and argue the country has itself suffered heavily from Islamist violence, including attacks by ISIS-K and the Pakistani Taliban. Islamabad also has denied allegations that Iranian military aircraft were sheltered inside Pakistan during the recent conflict.

Why Trump is betting on Pakistan again

More than a decade after the bin Laden raid shattered trust between Washington and Islamabad, Pakistan’s military leadership has again emerged as a critical diplomatic channel for Washington — this time during the escalating crisis involving Iran.

Trump increasingly has engaged Munir directly in recent weeks, reinforcing longstanding perceptions that Pakistan’s military — rather than its civilian government — remains the country’s dominant power center.

Munir, a former intelligence chief, has leveraged Pakistan’s longstanding relationships across the region to position himself as a channel between Washington and Tehran.

Roggio argued Pakistan is also attempting to rehabilitate its international image by presenting itself as a stabilizing force in the region.

“They’re trying to present an image of being a purveyor of peace in the region,” he said.

Earlier rounds of diplomacy tied to the Iran conflict were also hosted in Islamabad, elevating Pakistan’s role as a regional intermediary.

Pakistan and Qatar appear to have emerged as complementary diplomatic channels rather than competing ones during the latest negotiations involving Iran.

Analysts say Pakistan’s military leadership has increasingly positioned itself as a political and security intermediary between Washington and Tehran, while Qatar has remained central to the more formal diplomatic and financial dimensions of regional negotiations.

This is a locator map for Pakistan with its capital, Islamabad, and the Kashmir region.

Qatar, which hosted negotiations between the U.S. and the Taliban that led to the 2020 Doha agreement laying out the framework for the eventual U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, has again emerged as a central diplomatic channel as talks intensified over the weekend.

Pakistan also played a behind-the-scenes role in those negotiations, reflecting Washington’s longstanding reliance on Islamabad’s ties to the Taliban leadership during the Afghanistan war.

Critics of the Doha agreement argued it sidelined the U.S.-backed Afghan government while strengthening the Taliban ahead of its return to power in 2021.

Pakistan’s relationship with the Taliban also has become increasingly strained since the group returned to power in Afghanistan. Pakistani officials have accused Taliban authorities of failing to stop militants launching attacks into Pakistan from across the border, and Islamabad has threatened military action against some groups operating near Afghan territory.

The divide over Pakistan reflects a broader debate that has shaped U.S. foreign policy for decades: whether Washington’s strategic need for Islamabad outweighs longstanding concerns over the country’s relationships with militant groups and regional adversaries.

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More than a decade after the bin Laden raid shattered trust between Washington and Islamabad, Pakistan has once again become a diplomatic channel the U.S. appears unable — or unwilling — to avoid during one of the region’s most volatile crises.

https://www.foxnews.com/video/6396666087112

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