2026年4月20日 美国东部时间下午1:38 / 福克斯新闻
有分析人士称，让一名“双手沾满血腥、劣迹斑斑”之人出任伊斯兰革命卫队最高指挥官，表明伊朗并未走向温和
作者：埃弗拉特·拉赫特 福克斯新闻
随着唐纳德·特朗普总统设定的伊朗决定是否延长两国之间为期两周停火协议的截止日期临近，外界的注意力日益不再聚焦于伊朗总统马苏德·佩泽希齐扬，而是转向一位行踪诡秘、长期犯下恐怖主义、镇压暴行且秉持强硬路线意识形态的革命卫队指挥官。
艾哈迈德·瓦希迪近日被提拔为伊朗军方精英准军事力量伊斯兰革命卫队的最高指挥官，如今正成为伊朗最有权势的人物之一。据分析人士称，他也是可能决定德黑兰是恢复战斗还是继续谈判的关键人物之一。
“无论以何种标准衡量，即便在伊朗政权的强硬派精英内部，瓦希迪都被视为激进分子，他的崛起是一个警告信号，表明德黑兰的战争机器如今掌握了决策权，”外交政策分析师兼记者莉萨·达夫塔里告诉福克斯新闻数字频道。
“让一名双手沾满血腥、劣迹斑斑之人出任革命卫队最高指挥官，证实了伊朗政权在压力下并未走向温和。恰恰相反，”达夫塔里补充道，“政权正在加倍倚重那些以劫持人质、暗杀和国内镇压为职业生涯基石的人物。无论以何种标准衡量，即便在伊朗政权的强硬派精英内部，瓦希迪都被视为激进分子，他的崛起是一个警告信号，表明德黑兰的战争机器如今掌握了决策权。”
特朗普对伊朗发出末日警告，美国全面打击威胁进一步推高风险
为何此事至关重要：分析人士称，瓦希迪的崛起可能决定伊朗走向和平还是更深层次的冲突。对美国而言，这意味着如果一名与恐怖网络有历史牵连的强硬派人物如今在伊朗手握决策权，那么美军、美国盟友以及全球稳定都将面临更高风险。
艾哈迈德·瓦希迪近日被提拔为伊朗军方精英准军事力量伊斯兰革命卫队的最高指挥官，如今正成为伊朗最有权势的人物之一。（莫尔塔扎·尼库巴兹勒/努尔斯照片）
权力日益集中于正式体制之外
瓦希迪的晋升正值伊朗正式政治机构比以往任何时候都更为虚弱之际。
专家们将如今的伊朗伊斯兰共和国描述为一个非正式网络和个人关系比官方头衔更重要的体制。
美国国防民主基金会高级研究员贝赫拉姆·本·塔布卢将伊朗形容为“一个由人统治而非法律治理的体系，但其成功依赖于将权力制度化”，在这一体制中，决策越来越多地通过革命卫队人物而非民选政府做出。
以色列国家安全研究所伊朗问题专家贝尼·萨布蒂表示，瓦希迪如今可能比议长穆罕默德·巴赫尔·加利巴夫，甚至比最高领袖阿里·哈梅内伊的儿子穆杰塔巴·哈梅内伊更具影响力。
“在我看来，他目前更具主导地位，即便他们之间存在协调。现在不是内部竞争的时候，”萨布蒂说道，并补充称瓦希迪是唯一能与新任最高领袖当面会晤的人。
万斯前往巴基斯坦参与高风险伊朗谈判，“脆弱”停火协议岌岌可危
早在世人熟知卡西姆·苏莱曼尼之名前，瓦希迪就已是帮助搭建伊朗海外恐怖行动基础设施的核心人物之一。（莫尔塔扎·尼库巴兹勒/努尔斯照片）
他曾在卡西姆·苏莱曼尼之前领导圣城旅
早在世人熟知2020年被美国无人机袭击身亡的伊朗精英圣城旅长期指挥官卡西姆·苏莱曼尼之名前，瓦希迪就已是帮助搭建伊朗海外恐怖行动基础设施的核心人物之一。
他在20世纪90年代担任圣城旅指挥官，之后苏莱曼尼接管了这支负责海外行动、秘密行动以及支持代理武装团体的精英部队。
分析人士称，瓦希迪在构建伊朗横跨中东地区的恐怖盟友网络方面发挥了核心作用，尤其是在黎巴嫩。
“艾哈迈德·瓦希迪是伊朗伊斯兰共和国最好战派系的化身，”达夫塔里告诉福克斯新闻数字频道，“作为苏莱曼尼在圣城旅的前任，他帮助在海外搭建了德黑兰的恐怖主义基础设施。”
萨布蒂表示，瓦希迪是1979年伊斯兰革命前后与黎巴嫩激进团体建立联系的第一代伊朗特工之一。
部分记录显示，他曾在黎巴嫩南部与巴勒斯坦和黎巴嫩派系相关的营地接受训练，为伊朗与黎巴嫩由伊朗支持的恐怖组织真主党结成联盟奠定了基础。
分析人士和西方政府将瓦希迪与过去四十年来伊朗支持的网络发动的一些最致命袭击联系在一起。
作为1988年至1998年的圣城旅指挥官，他被指与1983年贝鲁特军营爆炸案有关，该爆炸造成241名美军士兵死亡；还与1996年沙特阿拉伯库尔巴尔塔公寓爆炸案以及2008年美国驻也门大使馆袭击事件存在关联。
万斯警告：若停火协议破裂，伊朗将“见识到”特朗普“不是好惹的”
伊朗最高领袖阿亚图拉·穆杰塔巴·哈梅内伊在2月28日美国-以色列袭击德黑兰建筑群导致其父遇刺后，由精英总统卫队提供保护。（莫尔塔扎·尼库巴兹勒/努尔斯照片）
全球头号通缉伊朗官员之一
达夫塔里指出，瓦希迪“被阿根廷检察官认定与1994年布宜诺斯艾利斯犹太社区中心AMIA爆炸案有关”。此次爆炸造成85人死亡。
阿根廷调查人员和法院还将瓦希迪与1992年布宜诺斯艾利斯以色列大使馆爆炸案联系在一起，尽管针对他的国际刑警组织红色通缉令专门针对他涉嫌在1994年AMIA爆炸案中所扮演的角色。
今年4月，阿根廷总统哈维尔·米莱政府将整个伊斯兰革命卫队列为恐怖组织，并点名瓦希迪，再次将公众的注意力聚焦于他。
阿根廷政府在宣布这一举措时表示，仍有数名伊朗官员面临红色通缉令，“其中包括前国防部长艾哈迈德·瓦希迪，他近日被任命领导伊斯兰革命卫队。”
瓦希迪受到美国和欧盟的多层制裁。这些制裁严重限制了他的出行、资金转移以及国际经商能力。
美国最早于2010年以与伊朗核计划和导弹项目有关联为由对他实施制裁。2022年，美国再次将他列入制裁名单，理由是“作为伊朗政府官员，负责或参与、或下令、控制或以其他方式指挥针对伊朗境内人员、伊朗公民或居民及其家属实施严重侵犯人权行为，此类行为发生在2009年6月12日或之后，无论此类侵权行为是否发生在伊朗境内。”
2022年，在玛莎·阿米尼之死事件后，美国根据第13553号行政命令再次将他列入制裁名单。当时瓦希迪担任内政部长，负责监督政权对全国性抗议活动的应对措施。
根据美国财政部的说法，瓦希迪因在镇压抗议活动期间策划互联网断网以及指挥伊朗执法部队（即NAJA）而受到制裁。
欧盟最早于2008年对他实施制裁，并于2022年追加制裁，原因是他下令使用实弹、任意逮捕抗议者和记者，以及暴力镇压示威活动。
人权组织指责伊朗当局对抗议者使用实弹、大规模逮捕和酷刑，造成超过3万人死亡。
中东媒体研究中心（MEMRI）创始人兼主席伊加尔·卡蒙警告称：“在他的领导下，预计西方地区将发生更多针对犹太人和非犹太人的此类犯罪。”
巴基斯坦将军称：尽管存在美国封锁和谈判失败，伊朗外交仍“存续、有进展”
2024年3月4日，伊朗内政部长艾哈迈德·瓦希迪在伊朗德黑兰向媒体介绍选举情况。阿根廷政府于2024年4月23日寻求逮捕瓦希迪，因其涉嫌参与1994年布宜诺斯艾利斯犹太社区中心致命爆炸案。（瓦希德·萨莱米/美联社）
分析人士称他代表政权最激进派系
专家们表示，瓦希迪不仅仅是另一名强硬派人物，即便在伊朗本已激进的统治精英内部，他也是最极端的人物之一。
萨布蒂警告称，瓦希迪日益增长的影响力可能会降低德黑兰同意真正停火协议的可能性。
“他给体制带来了更激进的倾向，可能并不想停止战争，因为继续战争符合革命卫队的利益，”萨布蒂说道。
围绕瓦希迪的最大担忧之一是，即便伊朗同意停火，他可能只会将其视为重整旗鼓的机会。
随着特朗普设定的截止日期临近，这一担忧变得更加紧迫。
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2026年4月8日，伊朗民众在德黑兰恩格莱布广场对停火协议宣布作出反应。（法新社 盖蒂图片社）
如果瓦希迪确实是如今在伊朗日益手握决策权的人物，分析人士称，关键问题不在于伊朗是否想要停火，而在于这位革命卫队指挥官是否认为持续对抗更符合他的利益。
卡蒙表示：“信任他是一个严重的错误。他属于强硬的‘去死吧美国’阵营。”
伊朗常驻联合国代表团拒绝置评。
埃弗拉特·拉赫特是福克斯新闻数字频道负责国际事务和联合国报道的驻外记者。在X平台关注她：@efratlachter。新闻线索请发送至efrat.lachter@fox.com。
Who is Ahmad Vahidi? Iran’s new IRGC chief tied to global attacks and ‘Death to America’ ideology
2026-04-20 1:38pm EDT / Fox News
Analyst says putting someone with ‘such a bloody and murderous record’ atop the IRGC shows Iran is not moderate
By Efrat Lachter Fox News
As President Donald Trump’s deadline for Iran to decide whether to extend a two-week ceasefire between the countries approaches, attention is increasingly turning not to Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, but to a shadowy Revolutionary Guard commander with a long record of terror, repression and hardline ideology.
Ahmad Vahidi, recently elevated to the top of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the elite paramilitary force within Iran’s military, is emerging as one of the most powerful men in Iran and, according to analysts, one of the key figures likely deciding whether Tehran resumes fighting or continues talks.
“By any standard, Vahidi is considered a radical even within the regime’s hardline elite, and his rise is a warning that Tehran’s war machine now calls the shots,” Lisa Daftari, foreign policy analyst and journalist, told Fox News Digital.
“Putting someone with such a bloody and murderous record at the top of the Revolutionary Guard Corps confirms that the regime is not moderating under pressure. On the contrary,” Daftari added, “it is doubling down on men whose careers are built on hostage‑taking, assassinations, and domestic repression. By any standard, Vahidi is considered a radical even within the regime’s hardline elite, and his rise is a warning that Tehran’s war machine now calls the shots.”
TRUMP’S APOCALYPTIC IRAN WARNING RAISES STAKES FOR SWEEPING US STRIKE THREAT
Why it matters: Analysts say Vahidi’s rise could shape whether Iran moves toward peace or deeper conflict. For the U.S., that means heightened risks to troops, allies and global stability if a hardline figure with a history tied to terror networks is now helping call the shots in Iran.
Ahmad Vahidi, recently elevated to the top of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the elite paramilitary force within Iran’s military, is emerging as one of the most powerful men in Iran.(Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto)
Power increasingly concentrated outside formal institutions
Vahidi’s rise comes at a moment when Iran’s formal political institutions appear weaker than ever.
Experts describe the Islamic Republic today as a system in which informal networks and personal relationships matter more than official titles.
Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, described Iran as “a system of men, not laws, but one whose success rested on institutionalizing their power,” where decisions increasingly flow through Revolutionary Guard figures rather than the civilian government.
Beni Sabti, an Iran expert at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, said Vahidi may now be even more influential than parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf or even Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba Khamenei.
“In my view, he is more dominant right now, even if they are coordinated. This is not a time for internal competition,” Sabti said, adding that Vahidi is the only one who meets the new supreme leader face-to-face.
VANCE EN ROUTE TO PAKISTAN FOR HIGH-STAKES IRAN TALKS AS ‘FRAGILE’ CEASEFIRE TEETERS
Long before the world knew the name Qassem Soleimani, Vahidi was one of the men who helped build the infrastructure of Iran’s overseas terror operations.(Morteza Nikoubazl/Nur Photo)
He previously led the Quds Force before Qassem Soleimani
Long before the world knew the name Qassem Soleimani,the longtime commander of Iran’s elite Quds Force who was killed in a 2020 U.S. drone strike, Vahidi was one of the men who helped build the infrastructure of Iran’s overseas terror operations.
He served as commander of the Quds Force in the 1990s, before Soleimani took over the elite unit responsible for foreign operations, covert action and support for proxy groups.
Analysts say Vahidi played a central role in building Iran’s network of terrorist allies across the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon.
“Ahmad Vahidi is the embodiment of the Islamic Republic’s most militant wing,” Daftari told Fox News Digital. “As Qassem Soleimani’s predecessor at the Quds Force, he helped build Tehran’s terror infrastructure abroad.”
Sabti said Vahidi was part of the original generation of Iranian operatives who forged ties with militant groups in Lebanon before and after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
Some accounts suggest he trained in camps linked to Palestinian and Lebanese factions in southern Lebanon, helping lay the foundation for Iran’s alliance with Hezbollah, an Iran-backed terror group, in Lebanon.
Vahidi has been linked by analysts and Western governments to some of the deadliest attacks carried out by Iranian-backed networks over the past four decades.
As the commander of the Quds Force from 1988 to 1998, he has been connected to the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing that killed 241 U.S. service members, the 1996 Khobar Towers attack in Saudi Arabia, and a 2008 attack on the U.S. Embassy in Yemen.
VANCE WARNS IRAN WILL ‘FIND OUT’ TRUMP IS ‘NOT ONE TO MESS AROUND’ IF CEASEFIRE DEAL FALLS APART
Iran Supreme Leader Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei receives protection from elite NOPO force following his father’s assassination in U.S.-Israel attack on Tehran compound Feb. 28.(Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto)
One of the world’s most wanted Iranian officials
Daftari noted that Vahidi “has been implicated by Argentine prosecutors in the 1994 bombing of the AMIA (Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires.” Eighty-five people were killed in the bombing.
Argentine investigators and courts have also linked Vahidi to the 1992 bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, although the Interpol red notice against him is specifically for his alleged role in the 1994 AMIA bombing.
In April, Argentina renewed attention on him after its President Javier Milei’s government designated the entire Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organization and singled out Vahidi by name.
In announcing the move, the Argentine government said that red notices remained in place for several Iranian officials, “among them former Defense Minister Ahmad Vahidi, who was recently appointed to lead the IRGC.”
Vahidi is under multiple layers of sanctions by both the United States and the European Union. The sanctions significantly restrict his ability to travel, move money or do business internationally.
Washington first sanctioned him in 2010 for links to Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. Vahidi was redesignated in 2022 for “being an official of the Government of Iran and being responsible for or complicit in, or responsible for ordering, controlling, or otherwise directing, the commission of serious human rights abuses against persons in Iran or Iranian citizens or residents, or the family members of the foregoing, on or after June 12, 2009, regardless of whether such abuses occurred in Iran.”
He was redesignated by the United States in 2022 under Executive Order 13553 after Mahsa Amini’s death, when he served as interior minister and oversaw the regime’s response to nationwide protests.
Vahidi was sanctioned for orchestrating internet blackouts and directing Iran’s Law Enforcement Command, known as NAJA, during the crackdown, according to the U.S. Treasury.
The European Union first sanctioned him in 2008, and imposed parallel sanctions in 2022 over the use of live ammunition, arbitrary detention of protesters and journalists, and the violent suppression of demonstrations.
Human rights groups accused Iranian authorities of using live fire, mass arrests and torture against protesters, which resulted in more than 30,000 deaths.
Yigal Carmon, founder and president of the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) warned, “Under his leadership, more such crimes are to be expected in the West against both Jews and non-Jews.”
PAKISTANI GENERAL SAYS IRAN DIPLOMACY STILL ‘ALIVE, DESPITE US BLOCKADE, FAILED TALKS’
Iran’s Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi briefs the media on elections in Tehran, Iran, March 4, 2024. Argentina sought the arrest of Vahidi on April 23, 2024, over his alleged involvement in the deadly 1994 bombing of Buenos Aires Jewish community center.(Vahid Salemi/AP)
Analysts say he represents the regime’s most radical faction
Experts say Vahidi is not merely another hardliner, but one of the most extreme figures even within Iran’s already radical ruling elite.
Sabti is warning that Vahidi’s growing influence could make Tehran less likely to agree to a genuine ceasefire.
“He brings even more radicalization into the system and may not want to stop the war, because it serves the interests of the Revolutionary Guards to continue,” Sabti said.
One of the biggest concerns surrounding Vahidi is that even if Iran agrees to a ceasefire, he may see it only as an opportunity to regroup.
That concern has taken on new urgency as Trump’s deadline approaches.
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Iranians react after a ceasefire announcement at the Enqelab square, in Tehran, Iran, April 8, 2026.(AFP via Getty Images)
If Vahidi is indeed the man increasingly calling the shots in Iran, analysts say the key question is not whether Iran wants a ceasefire, but whether the Revolutionary Guard commander believes continued confrontation better serves his interests.
Carmon said, “Trusting him is a grave mistake. He belongs to the hard ‘DEATH TO AMERICA’ corps.”
Iran’s mission to the United Nations declined to comment.
Efrat Lachter is a foreign correspondent for Fox News Digital covering international affairs and the United Nations. Follow her on X @efratlachter. Stories can be sent to efrat.lachter@fox.com.
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