2小时前 / 发布于2026年2月22日，美国东部时间上午5:00 / 美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）
得克萨斯州布朗斯维尔报道——
黛西·阿尔卡萨尔（Daisy Alcazar）是本次中期选举中一位”单一议题选民”：阻止唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）。
“我认为如果我们不在这次选举中发声，我们将无法生存，”阿尔卡萨尔说，”我们正处在火灾中。我们的一切都被烧毁了。我们的企业。我们的经济。”
阿尔卡萨尔和她的丈夫经营着一家名为”拉·帕莱”（La Pale）的传统墨西哥冰淇淋和水果棒店。他们在布朗斯维尔有一家店面，并通过当地连锁杂货店销售产品。”我们的毕生积蓄都岌岌可危，”她说。
客流销售下降50%
首先是通胀对工薪家庭的影响。
“我们现在成了奢侈品，”她说，”人们不再有闲钱花在我们身上了。”
然后是恐惧因素。阿尔卡萨尔是几位告诉CNN的小企业主之一，他们表示许多西班牙裔家庭害怕外出购买冰淇淋、汉堡或咖啡——尤其是如果这些生意是拉丁裔拥有的——因为他们担心会被美国移民和海关执法局（ICE）拘留。
“我们现在成了目标，”阿尔卡萨尔说，”无论你是否有合法身份，是否有文件，都无关紧要。……人们害怕使用公共交通工具，因为ICE的执法人员真的就在街上巡逻。我们不能让这种情况正常化。”
我们以”全地图”项目的视角，走访了阿尔卡萨尔和南得克萨斯州，试图通过普通美国人的经历来追踪选举和重大议题辩论。值得关注的是，这一地区的情况充分说明了唐纳德·特朗普总统在中期选举中面临的政治困境。阿尔卡萨尔居住在第34国会选区，该选区在特朗普的要求下，得克萨斯州共和党人在2026年中期选举中重新绘制了美国众议院选区地图时，曾是重点目标之一。
第34选区：摇摆不定的战场
2024年，第34选区是特朗普仅有的13个同时有民主党人当选众议院议员的选区之一。特朗普在2024年以略超4个百分点的优势赢得该选区，而民主党众议员文森特·冈萨雷斯（Vicente Gonzalez）以不到3个百分点的优势胜出。如果当时新的选区划分已经生效，特朗普本会以10个百分点的优势获胜。
然而，得克萨斯州共和党人原本认为这将是一个安全的新共和党选区，并有望在2026年赢得该席位，但现在这个选区却成了摇摆不定的战场。如果共和党人连他们自己划定的有利选区都无法赢得，那么民主党将极有可能赢得众议院，并改变特朗普政府的执政轨迹。
根据新的选区划分，得克萨斯州共和党人针对的五个民主党席位中，有四个是拉丁裔占多数的选区。但特朗普在全国范围内的拉丁裔支持率自其第二任期开始以来大幅下降，跌幅超过他整体支持率的下降幅度。
路易斯·索罗拉（Louis Sorola）认识很多投票给特朗普的拉丁裔选民。他预测2026年将出现反弹。
“因为过去一年情况发生了变化，”索罗拉说，他是布朗斯维尔的一名律师，40多年前第一次投票给里根，但近年来大多支持民主党，”我们从未面临过如今这样的经济状况。我们从未有过ICE（移民局）像盖世太保警察那样行事。我们从未受到关税的伤害。我们从未经历过这么多事情。我们也从未面对过爱泼斯坦事件（Epstein files）这样的曝光。”
布朗斯维尔是美墨边境最南端的过境点。非法越境人数大幅下降——这是特朗普政府兑现的承诺，本可能成为总统及其政党在中期选举中的政治资产，尤其是在这个拥有数千名移民和边境特工及其家属的地区。但目前来看，移民问题反而成了明显的负担。
“边境安全”与”同理心”的矛盾
“关于边境安全有很多争论，”密尔顿·雷纳（Milton Reyna）说，他是一位三次投票给特朗普的人，在科珀斯克里斯蒂经营一家蓝领酒吧。但雷纳补充道：”作为拉丁裔，我认为确实需要一些同理心。”
科珀斯克里斯蒂是新地图上的重大变化区域。
目前的第34选区包括边境的伊达尔戈县部分地区。但2026年的新地图将伊达尔戈县转移到了邻近的选区，并加入了努埃塞斯县（科珀斯克里斯蒂地区）的一大片区域。
结果，新的第34选区西班牙裔选民人数减少了约6.3万人，而努埃塞斯县比伊达尔戈县更倾向共和党。
“我们的很多顾客往往更倾向于支持右翼，”雷纳说，”所以，当特朗普当选时，我们获得了大量支持。”
雷纳计划在11月投票给共和党人，但表示他会跳过3月3日的初选。
“我觉得每个人都有点厌倦了谈论政治，”雷纳说，”我比以前更常关掉电视。”
雷纳的几个朋友和同事参加了我们的采访。在酒吧里与他们快速交谈，结果很有启发性。
四人是西班牙裔，四人投票给特朗普。
“我觉得他制造了很多混乱，”拉蒙·埃雷拉（Ramon Herrera）说，他是这群人中唯一投票给卡玛拉·哈里斯（Kamala Harris）的人，”他的做法有点太极端了。”
这四个特朗普选民都表示总统总体上做得很好。
“他竞选时承诺的事情，他都在着手解决，”雷纳的商业伙伴迈克·马丁内斯（Mike Martinez）说，”他一直在努力。”
不过，这四个人中有三个至少对他实现目标的方式表示一定的保留意见。
“大概80%是正面评价，20%是负面评价，”拥有几家本地小企业的韦斯利·贝尔彻（Westly Belcher）说。
理查德·孔特雷拉斯（Richard Contreras）表示，特朗普应该对ICE”加强控制”。
“去追捕真正的罪犯，”他说，”让爷爷奶奶们（abuelos and abuelitas）安心过日子。”
五人中没有一人对3月的初选表现出兴趣，当被问及特朗普的支持是否会影响他们对初选的看法时，也没有人举手。
“他因为行事方式和手段，已经失去了一些影响力，”科珀斯克里斯蒂的房地产经纪人孔特雷拉斯说。
四个特朗普选民中有两个对11月投票给民主党持开放态度。
孔特雷拉斯说，分裂的政府可能会迫使华盛顿进行一些妥协。”这是值得考虑的，”他说。但孔特雷拉斯也表示，他对共和党候选人埃里克·弗洛雷斯（Eric Flores）——同为退伍军人——有良好的初步印象。
酒吧经理塞莱斯特·蒙特马约尔（Celeste Montemayor）似乎最持开放态度。
“我认为有些事情需要改变，”蒙特马约尔说，”我只是觉得我们现在的做法可能行不通。”
特朗普在拉丁裔中的支持率变化
特朗普在2024年击败哈里斯的选举中，拉丁裔支持率有所上升。他在2024年赢得了得克萨斯州55%的西班牙裔选民支持，高于2020年的41%和2016年的37%。
乡村金斯维尔（Kingsville）曾是特朗普的坚固堡垒。随着中期选举临近，这里也是值得关注的地区之一。
史蒂夫·马丁内斯（Steve Martinez）是金斯威家庭教会（Kingsway Family Church）的副牧师，该教会80%的会众是西班牙裔。马丁内斯说，当被问及投票建议时，他尽量避免提及具体姓名和政党。
“我总是从圣经的角度阐述我的立场，”马丁内斯说，”国会现在是个大问题。我会问一个问题：你对同性恋的看法是什么？你对堕胎的看法是什么？你知道，这些对我来说才是重要的。”
马丁内斯承认，最近在周日礼拜后，人们会质疑如何将移民执法策略与基督教价值观统一起来。
“是的，看到一些家庭被拆散，看到所有发生的事情，确实很难过，”马丁内斯说，”但同时，我告诉人们法律就是法律，我们必须遵守它。”
马丁内斯认为，大多数基督教保守派仍会忠于特朗普和共和党。
然而，教堂外的景象提醒着人们，日常生计问题往往才是驱动投票决定的关键：一长串汽车排着队等待教堂食品银行发放物资。有些人在开门前四个小时就来了。
“需求很大，”马丁内斯说，”有些人找不到工作。另一些人收入固定，无法跟上通胀的步伐。还有一些是大家庭。”
“人们现在在财务上挣扎，”马丁内斯说。
布朗斯维尔冰淇淋店老板阿尔卡萨尔表示，她越来越难以理解仍然忠于特朗普和共和党的拉丁裔选民。
“我不知道他们是否认为自己被排除在我们的拉丁裔身份之外，”她说，”我就是无法理解他们怎么会这样想。”
对她来说更重要的是，说服社区中那些认为政治无关紧要的更多拉丁裔选民在中期选举中投票。
“我们的声音很重要，”她说，”我们可以带来改变。今年，拉丁裔社区可以为他们的同胞发声。”
A border district in Texas is flashing warning signs for Republicans in the midterms
2 hr ago / PUBLISHED Feb 22, 2026, 5:00 AM ET / CNN
Brownsville, Texas—
Daisy Alcazar is a one-issue voter this midterm year: stopping Donald Trump.
“I don’t think we are going to survive if we don’t speak up this election,” Alcazar said. “We are on fire. We are being burned down to the floor. Our businesses. Our economy.”
Alcazar and her husband own La Pale, a traditional Mexican ice cream and fruit bar shop. They have a storefront in Brownsville and sell through a local grocery chain. “Our life savings are on the line,” she said.
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Walk-in sales are down 50%. First, it was inflation’s toll on working families.
“The splurge money,” she said. “We are a luxury item right now.”
Then, the fear factor. Alcazar was one of several small-business owners who told CNN many Hispanic families are afraid to go out for ice cream, or burgers or coffee — especially if the business is Latino-owned — due to fears of being detained by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
“We are a target now,” Alcazar said. “And it doesn’t matter if you are documented or undocumented, legal or illegal. … People are afraid to use public transportation because ICE enforcement is literally walking up and down the streets. We cannot normalize this.”
We visited Alcazar and South Texas as part of our “All Over the Map” project, an effort to track elections and major issue debates through the eyes of experiences of everyday Americans. That there is good reason to visit speaks volumes about President Donald Trump’s midterm political troubles. Alcazar lives in the 34th Congressional District, which was among the big targets when, at Trump’s request, Texas Republicans drew new US House maps for the 2026 midterms.
The 34th is one of just 13 districts nationwide that Trump carried in 2024 at the same time voters elected a Democrat to the House. Trump won the 34th by a little more than 4 points in 2024, while Democratic Rep. Vicente Gonzalez won by less than 3 points. Had the new lines been in place then, Trump would have won by 10 points.
Yet what Texas Republicans thought would be a safe new GOP district — and a 2026 pickup — is a tossup. If Republicans can’t win in a Texas district they drew to their advantage, it’s a safe bet the Democrats will win the House and change the trajectory of the Trump presidency.
Four of the five Democratic-held seats targeted by Texas Republicans are majority Latino under the new maps. But Trump’s standing among Latinos has fallen dramatically nationwide since the start of his second term, outpacing his drop in approval overall.
Louis Sorola knows a lot of Latinos who voted for Trump. He predicts a 2026 backlash.
“Because things have changed in the last year,” said Sorola, a Brownsville attorney who cast his first vote more than 40 years ago for Ronald Reagan but has mostly supported Democrats in recent elections. “We didn’t have the economy in the shape that it is. We didn’t have ICE acting like a Gestapo police force. We didn’t have the tariffs hurting us. We didn’t have a lot of things. We didn’t have the Epstein files in front of us.”
Brownsville is home to the southernmost crossing at the US-Mexico border. Illegal crossings are way down — a promise kept that could be a great political asset for the president and his party in the midterms, particularly in a region with thousands of immigration and border agents and their families. But the immigration issue is instead, at the moment anyway, a clear liability.
“There is a whole argument to make about border security,” said Milton Reyna, a three-time Trump voter who owns a blue-collar bar in Corpus Christi. But Reyna added this: “Being Hispanic, I think that there does need to be some empathy.”
Corpus Christi is the big change on the new map.
The current 34th includes parts of Hidalgo County along the border. But the 2026 map shifts Hidalgo to a neighboring district and adds a big chunk of Nueces County — the Corpus Christi area.
As a result, the new 34th has about 63,000 fewer voting-age Hispanic residents, and Nueces leans more Republican than Hidalgo.
“A lot of our customers tend to be, tend to lean further right,” Reyna said. “So, when Trump was elected, we got a surge.”
Reyna plans to vote Republican in November but said he would skip the March 3 primaries.
“I think everybody’s a bit exhausted talking about politics,” Reyna said. “I tend to turn the TV off a little bit more than I used to.”
A handful of Reyna’s friends and co-workers were on hand for our interview. A quick chat with them around the bar was telling.
Four of the five were Hispanic. Four voted for Trump.
“I feel like he’s creating a lot of chaos,” said Ramon Herrera, the lone Kamala Harris voter in the group. “It’s a little bit too extreme.”
All four of the Trump voters said the president was mostly doing a good job.
“What he ran on, he’s addressed,” said Mike Martinez, a Reyna business partner. “He’s been working on it.”
Three of the four, though, voiced at least some reservations about how he gets things done.
“Probably 80% positive to 20% negative,” said Westly Belcher, who owns a few local small businesses.
Richard Contreras said Trump should assert “better control” over ICE.
“Go after the true criminals,” he said. “Leave the abuelos and abuelitas alone.”
None of the five voiced interest in the March primary and no one raised their hand when asked whether Trump’s endorsement might influence their thinking about the primary.
“He’s lost a little juice just because of the methods, the way he is doing it,” said Contreras, a Corpus Christi real estate agent.
Two of the Trump voters were open to voting for a Democrat in November.
Contreras said divided government might force some compromise in Washington. “Something to think about,” he said. But Contreras also said he had a favorable early impression of GOP candidate Eric Flores — a fellow veteran.
Celeste Montemayor, the bar manager, sounded most open.
“I do think some things need to change,” Montemayor said. “I just think what we are doing may not be working.”
Trump’s 2024 victory over Harris came with increased Latino support. He won 55% of the Texas Hispanic vote in 2024, up from 41% in 2020 and 37% in 2016.
Rural Kingsville was a Trump stronghold. It’s among the places to watch as the midterm year plays out.
Steve Martinez is associate pastor at Kingsway Family Church, where the congregation is 80% Hispanic. Martinez says he tries to avoid names and political parties when asked for voting advice.
“I always say biblically what I stand for,” Martinez said. “Congress is a big thing right now. I ask a question: What are your views on homosexuality? What are your views on abortion? You know, that is what is important to me.”
Martinez acknowledged that after Sunday services of late, there are questions about how to square immigration enforcement tactics with Christian values.
“It is hard, yes, to see some of these families separated and to see all that is going on,” Martnez said. “But at the same time, I tell people the law is the law, and we have to abide by it.”
Martinez believes most Christian conservatives will stay loyal to Trump and the GOP.
Outside the church, though, is a reminder that kitchen-table issues often drive voting decisions: A long double line of cars lined up for a church food bank. Some arrived four hours before it opened.
“The need is great,” Martinez said. Some can’t find jobs. Others are on fixed incomes that don’t keep pace with inflation. Some are large families.”
“People are struggling right now financially,” Martinez said.
Alcazar, the Brownsville ice cream shop owner, said she finds it increasingly difficult to understand Latinos still loyal to Trump and Republicans.
“I don’t know if they thought they were excluded from the brown color that we have,” she said. “I just can’t see how they translate that.”
More important to her, though, is persuading more Latinos in her community who think politics doesn’t matter to become midterm voters.
“Our voice matters,” she said. “We can make a change. This is the year that the Latino community can show up for their people.”
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