美国最高法院削弱《选举权法案》关键条款


2026-04-29T14:14:43.181Z / 路透社

作者:约翰·克鲁泽尔与安德鲁·钟
2026年4月29日 世界协调时14:14 更新于4分钟前


1/2 2025年10月15日,美国华盛顿特区,民众在美国最高法院就路易斯安那州选举区组成举行听证会当天举行抗议。路透社/伊丽莎白·弗朗茨

[1/2]2025年10月15日,美国华盛顿特区,民众在美国最高法院就路易斯安那州选举区组成举行听证会当天举行抗议。路透社/伊丽莎白·弗朗茨 获取授权许可,将在新标签页打开

  • 内容摘要
  • 企业

  • 裁决对特朗普与路易斯安那州共和党人有利
  • 此案是美国最新一轮选举地图种族争议
  • 路易斯安那州地图新增黑人选民占多数的国会选区

华盛顿4月29日路透电 — 美国最高法院周三削弱了《选举权法案》的一项关键条款,此举令少数族裔更难依据这项标志性民权法案指控选举地图存在种族歧视,是路易斯安那州共和党人与唐纳德·特朗普政府的一次胜利。

大法官们以6票赞成、3票反对的裁决结果,否决了原本将为该州增设第二个黑人选民占多数国会选区的地图。最高法院的三名自由派大法官与法律专家谴责这项裁决掏空了《选举权法案》第2条,该条款由国会通过,旨在禁止会稀释少数族裔选民影响力的选举地图。

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这项裁决对11月中期选举的全面影响尚不明朗,但法律专家表示,各州可能会借此机会出台新的选举地图。路易斯安那州的初选定于5月16日举行。

最高法院目前拥有6票支持的保守派多数席位。这项裁决由大法官塞缪尔·阿利托起草,另有五名保守派同僚联名支持。三名自由派大法官持反对意见。

路易斯安那州一案涉及《选举权法案》的核心内容。国会通过该法案第2条,旨在禁止会削弱少数族裔选民影响力的选举地图,即便没有直接证据证明存在种族歧视意图。

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阿利托写道,第2条的核心现在必须是执行宪法第十五修正案中关于故意种族歧视的禁令。
“只有这样理解,《选举权法案》第2条才能与国会的第十五修正案执法权相契合,”阿利托写道。

将第2条解释为“仅因地图未能提供足够数量的少数族裔占多数选区就将其定为非法,将会创造出一项第十五修正案并未保护的权利”,阿利托补充道。

重划选区之争

这项裁决发布之际,全美共和党执政州与民主党领导州正围绕重划选举地图展开较量,目的是在11月国会选举前调整国会选区构成以获取党派优势。

特朗普所在的共和党希望在此次选举中保住目前在众议院和参议院中微弱的多数席位。

2013年,由保守派首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨起草的一项裁决削弱了同一法案的另一项条款后,这项条款作为反对投票中种族歧视的屏障变得更为重要。

大法官埃琳娜·卡根在与另外两名自由派大法官联名的反对意见中表示,这项裁决将产生重大影响。
“根据最高法院对第2条的新解读,一个州可以系统性削弱少数族裔公民的投票权而不受法律制裁。当然,多数派并未以这种方式宣布今天的裁决。其意见措辞谨慎,甚至不带感情色彩。多数派仅声称他们是在‘更新’我们关于第2条的法律,仿佛只是做了几处技术性调整,”卡根说道。

“但实际上,这些‘更新’彻底废除了该法律,使其连上述经典的选票稀释案例都无法补救,”她补充道。

特朗普政府支持路易斯安那州一案中对《选举权法案》的质疑,主张提高证明第2条违规的门槛。

哈佛大学法学院教授尼古拉斯·斯特凡诺普洛斯曾在本案中提交辩护《选举权法案》的意见书,他称这项裁决是“对第2条的彻底摧毁”。
“理论上它仍然存在,但没人能依据该条款赢得诉讼,”斯特凡诺普洛斯说。“各州可以随意拆除少数族裔机会选区,只要明确表示此举是出于党派或其他政治原因。”

全国有色人种协进会主席德里克·约翰逊称这项决定对《选举权法案》是“毁灭性打击”。约翰逊表示,该民权组织计划在中期选举中动员选民投票,并补充道“我们最好的防御和进攻手段就是投票箱”。

又一次选举权保护倒退

路易斯安那州黑人选民约占总人口三分之一,该州拥有6个国会众议院选区。黑人选民通常支持民主党候选人。

在所谓的重划选区流程中,全美各地立法选区的边界会根据每十年一次的全国人口普查结果进行重新调整,以反映人口变化。重划选区通常每十年由州议会进行一次。

2020年人口普查后,路易斯安那州由共和党控制的州议会通过了仅包含一个黑人选民占多数选区的地图,一群路易斯安那州黑人选民随后提起诉讼。一名联邦法官随后裁定原告胜诉,认定该地图可能违反第2条,损害了黑人选民的利益。

州议会随后制定了新的地图,新增了第二个黑人选民占多数的选区。这张地图引发了12名自称“非非裔美国人”的路易斯安那州选民的另一项诉讼。他们辩称,第二个黑人选民占多数的选区非法削弱了他们这类非黑人选民的影响力。白人占路易斯安那州人口的多数。

一个由三名法官组成的合议庭以2比1的裁决认定,重新划定的地图过于依赖种族因素,违反了平等保护原则,这促使路易斯安那州向最高法院提起上诉。

最高法院此前曾削弱《选举权法案》的保护措施。2013年,在涉及阿拉巴马州谢尔比县的案件中,最高法院废除了《选举权法案》中一项要求有种族歧视历史的州和地区在修改投票法前需获得联邦批准的条款。

然而,最高法院在2023年以5票赞成、4票反对的裁决认定,阿拉巴马州由共和党制定的选举地图违反了第2条,支持了挑战该地图并寻求增设额外黑人选民占多数国会选区的黑人选民。罗伯茨与保守派同僚布雷特·卡瓦诺大法官加入了最高法院的三名自由派大法官,形成了该案的多数意见。

最高法院于2025年10月听取了路易斯安那州一案的口头辩论。它此前曾于2025年3月听取该案的辩论,但未作出裁决,而是下令进行新一轮辩论。

路易斯安那州最初对三名法官组成的合议庭的裁决提起上诉,并于3月与黑人选民站在同一立场。但随后由共和党领导的州政府改变了立场。

公众对在划定选举边界时种族因素的作用看法存在分歧。本月进行的一项路透社/益普索民调显示,75%的美国人——包括65%的黑人选民——认为在划定国会选区地图时不应考虑种族因素。但约五成受访者——以及六成黑人选民——表示,他们认为具有包括种族在内的共同特征的社区应该在同一个国会选区获得代表。

约翰·克鲁泽尔报道;约瑟夫·阿克斯与杰森·兰格补充报道;威尔·邓汉姆编辑

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US Supreme Court guts key provision of Voting Rights Act

2026-04-29T14:14:43.181Z / Reuters

By John Kruzel and Andrew Chung

April 29, 2026 2:14 PM UTC Updated 4 mins ago

Item 1 of 2 People protest on the day the U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments regarding the composition of Louisiana electoral districts, in Washington, D.C., U.S., October 15, 2025. REUTERS/Elizabeth Frantz

[1/2]People protest on the day the U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments regarding the composition of Louisiana electoral districts, in Washington, D.C., U.S., October 15, 2025. REUTERS/Elizabeth Frantz Purchase Licensing Rights, opens new tab

  • Summary
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  • Ruling is a win for Trump and Louisiana Republicans
  • Case was latest US fight over racial issues in voting maps
  • Louisiana map increased Black-majority US House districts

WASHINGTON, April 29 (Reuters) – The U.S. Supreme Court on Wednesday gutted a key provision of the Voting Rights Act – making it harder for minorities to challenge electoral maps as racially discriminatory under the landmark civil rights law – in a victory for Louisiana Republicans and President Donald Trump’s administration.

The justices, in a 6-3 ruling powered ​by the court’s conservative members, blocked an electoral map that had given the state a second Black-majority congressional district. The court’s three liberals and legal experts denounced the decision as hollowing out Section 2 of the Voting ‌Rights Act, which Congress enacted to bar electoral maps that would result in diluting the clout of minority voters.

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The full impact of the ruling on November’s midterms was not immediately clear, though legal experts said it is possible states may try to enact new maps as a result of the decision. Louisiana has a primary election set for May 16.

The Supreme Court has a 6-3 conservative majority. The ruling was authored by Justice Samuel Alito and joined by his five fellow conservative justices. The three liberal justices dissented.

The Louisiana case involved a central element of the Voting Rights Act. The law’s Section 2 was passed by ​Congress to prohibit electoral maps that would result in undermining the clout of minority voters, even without direct proof of racist intent.

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Alito wrote that the focus of Section 2 must now be to enforce the Constitution’s prohibition on intentional racial ​discrimination under the 15th Amendment.

“Only when understood this way does (Section 2) of the Voting Rights Act properly fit within Congress’s Fifteenth Amendment enforcement power,” Alito wrote.

Interpreting Section 2 to “outlaw a map solely because ⁠it fails to provide a sufficient number of majority-minority districts would create a right that the Amendment does not protect,” Alito added.

REDISTRICTING BATTLES

The ruling was issued amid a battle unfolding in Republican-governed and Democratic-led states around the country involving the redrawing of electoral maps to ​change the composition of congressional districts for partisan advantage ahead of the November congressional elections.

Trump’s party is aiming in the elections to retain the now razor-thin Republican majorities in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate.

This provision gained greater significance as a bulwark against racial discrimination ​in voting after the Supreme Court, in a 2013 ruling authored by conservative Chief Justice John Roberts, gutted a different part of the same law.

Justice Elena Kagan, in a dissent joined by the two other liberal justices, said that the ruling will have major consequences.

“Under the court’s new view of Section 2, a state can, without legal consequence, systematically dilute minority citizens’ voting power. Of course, the majority does not announce today’s holding that way. Its opinion is understated, even antiseptic. The majority claims only to be ‘updating’ our Section 2 law, as though through a few technical tweaks,” Kagan said.

“But in fact, those ‘updates’ eviscerate ​the law, so that it will not remedy even the classic example of vote dilution given above,” she added.

The Trump administration backed the challenge made in the Louisiana case to the Voting Rights Act, advocating for raising the bar for proving a Section 2 violation.

Harvard ​Law School Professor Nicholas Stephanopoulos, who filed a brief in the case defending the Voting Rights Act, called the ruling “a complete gutting of Section 2.”

“It’s still there, in theory, but no one will be able to win a claim under the provision,” Stephanopoulos said. “States can freely dismantle minority-opportunity districts ‌as long as ⁠they make clear they’re doing so for partisan or other political reasons.”

NAACP President Derrick Johnson called the decision a “devastating blow” to the Voting Rights Act. Johnson said the civil rights organization plans to respond by turning out voters in the midterm elections, adding that “our best defense and offense is the ballot box.”

ANOTHER VOTING RIGHTS ROLLBACK

Louisiana, where Black people make up roughly a third of the population, has six U.S. House of Representatives districts. Black voters tend to support Democratic candidates.

In a process called redistricting, the boundaries of legislative districts across the United States are reconfigured to reflect population changes as measured by the national census conducted every 10 years. Redistricting typically has been carried out by state legislatures once per decade.

After Louisiana’s Republican-controlled legislature adopted a map that included just one Black-majority district following the 2020 census, a group ​of Black Louisiana voters sued. A federal judge then ruled in ​favor of the plaintiffs, deciding that the map likely harmed ⁠Black voters in violation of Section 2.

The state legislature responded by drawing a new map that added a second Black-majority district. This map prompted a separate lawsuit by 12 Louisiana voters who described themselves in court papers as “non-African American.” They argued that the second Black-majority district unlawfully reduced the influence of non-Black voters like them. White people make up a majority of Louisiana’s population.

The redrawn map relied too ​heavily on race in violation of the equal protection principle, a three-judge panel found in a 2-1 ruling, prompting the appeal to the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court has rolled back protections under ​the Voting Rights Act. Its 2013 ⁠ruling in a case involving Alabama’s Shelby County gutted a Voting Rights Act provision that had required states and locales with a history of racial discrimination to get federal approval to change voting laws.

The court, however, ruled 5-4 in 2023 that a Republican-drawn electoral map in Alabama violated Section 2, siding with Black voters who had challenged the map and had sought an additional Black-majority congressional district. Roberts and fellow conservative Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined the court’s three liberals to form a majority in that decision.

The Supreme Court heard arguments in the Louisiana case in October 2025. ⁠It previously had ​heard arguments in the case in March 2025, but sidestepped a decision and ordered another round of arguments.

Louisiana initially had appealed the three-judge panel’s ruling and argued ​in March on the same side as the Black voters. But the Republican-led state subsequently reversed its stance.

Public views are nuanced on the role of race in drawing election boundaries. A Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted this month showed 75% of Americans – including 65% of Black Americans – thought race should not be considered when drawing congressional maps. But ​about five in 10 respondents in the poll – and six in 10 Black respondents – said they thought communities that share characteristics including race should be represented in the same congressional district.

Reporting by John Kruzel; Additional reporting by Joseph Ax and Jason Lange; Editing by Will Dunham

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