帕姆·邦迪本就注定失败,但她也让局面变得更糟


2026年4月2日 下午5:25 美东时间 / CNN
亚伦·布莱克 撰稿
发布于 2026年4月2日 下午5:25 美东时间

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亚历克斯·布兰登/美联社/资料图

司法部长或许是唐纳德·特朗普内阁中最不可能胜任的职位。

特朗普要求的不仅是有违伦理的事,还要求那些介于极难办到和完全不可能办到之间的事。没人能拿捏好分寸。杰夫·塞申斯试图做制度主义者,很快就被边缘化了。威廉·巴尔随后为特朗普采取了一些极其政治化的行动,但最终还是不愿做到特朗普要求的那般地步。

帕姆·邦迪为了让司法部为特朗普的政治目的服务,比巴尔走得更远。但在周四被解雇后,她成为了60年来任职时间最短的经确认的司法部长。

邦迪在很多方面本就注定失败。但她显然也让自己的处境变得更糟。

这一点在她与特朗普之间的两个症结问题上体现得尤为明显:爱泼斯坦文件,以及特朗普迄今为止毫无成效的报复行动。

爱泼斯坦文件

邦迪任职期间最具破坏性的方面无疑是爱泼斯坦文件事件。

特朗普及其团队帮了邦迪倒忙,他们在2024年大肆宣扬特朗普发布这些文件的承诺。随后在2025年年中,特朗普似乎突然转而反对发布这些文件,并为此斗争了数月,直到国会迫使他妥协。

这种转变很难向投入极高关注度的公众解释。邦迪还让情况变得更糟。

今年2月,她在白宫向保守派影响力人士分发了“爱泼斯坦文件”活页夹。但这些活页夹里几乎没有新信息。一些影响力人士对这场几乎毫无实质内容的拍照活动表示不满。

她还就文件内容发表了一系列令人费解的言论,这些言论显然反过来给政府带来了麻烦。

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肯特·西岛/路透社

例如,当被问及传闻中的爱泼斯坦客户名单时,她称其“现在就在我的办公桌上”,引发了极大的期待。她还称有“数万段”爱泼斯坦“与儿童或儿童色情内容相关的视频”。

但当政府改变透明度承诺的立场时,这些说法被收回了。而且根据迄今为止已公布的内容,没有任何证据能佐证这些说法。
(邦迪后来声称,她并不是特指某一份客户名单,而是泛指更多爱泼斯坦相关文件。)

事实上,无论文件最终结果如何,邦迪的说法本身就会引发问题。但她提高了公众对政府后来想要淡化处理的事情的预期。

到爱泼斯坦事件尾声时,邦迪实际上已被排除在谈论这些文件的工作之外——这项工作通常由副司法部长托德·布兰奇接手,他现在暂时领导司法部。(值得一提的是,布兰奇自己也有爱泼斯坦相关的问题。)

在2月份那场近乎滑稽夸张的听证会上,她甚至回避了共和党议员就该议题提出的问题,随后她收到了两党罕见地联合发出的传票,要求她在本月晚些时候与众议院监督委员会重新讨论此事。

白宫办公厅主任苏西·瓦尔斯在12月《名利场》发表的评论中总结了这一情况。瓦尔斯说,邦迪在爱泼斯坦文件问题上“完全搞砸了”,显然没有必要再掩饰这一点。

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内森·霍华德/路透社

针对特朗普的政敌

可以说,在特朗普的报复行动方面,邦迪面临的障碍甚至更高。

虽然特朗普在第一任期就曾试图调查他的政敌,但他在第二任期明确表示,他希望对他认定的政治对手展开真正的调查、指控和起诉——尤其是在他本人四次被起诉,且在唯一进入庭审的案件中被定罪之后。

最引人注目的或许是特朗普9月份在社交媒体上发布的一条后来被删除的帖子,他直接点名邦迪,敦促她起诉前联邦调查局局长詹姆斯·科米、纽约州总检察长莱蒂夏·詹姆斯和加利福尼亚州参议员亚当·希夫。

仅仅几天后,特朗普就解雇了一名拒绝配合的联邦检察官,科米随后被起诉。大约两周后,詹姆斯也被起诉。

但这两项起诉的证据都站不住脚——这已经成为一种趋势,我们稍后会谈到——而且替换的联邦检察官被认定为非法任命。因此这些案件都不了了之。

除了对另一位特朗普政敌约翰·博尔顿的起诉更为循规蹈矩之外(博尔顿也曾被拜登政府司法部调查),在过去五个半月里,没有其他人被起诉。

但这并不是因为邦迪领导的部门没有尝试:

  • 司法部多次试图让大陪审团重新起诉詹姆斯,均以失败告终。
  • 它也未能让大陪审团以六名民主党国会议员呼吁军人不执行非法命令的言论为由起诉他们。
  • 司法部还调查了特朗普在9月帖子中提到的第三个人,希夫。
  • 对前中央情报局局长约翰·布伦南的调查最近有了进展。
  • 特朗普签署行政命令,要求调查他第一任期内的两名对手克里斯·克雷布斯和迈尔斯·泰勒。
  • 特朗普公开呼吁调查前总统比尔·克林顿与爱泼斯坦的关系,邦迪迅速表示同意。
  • 司法部对美联储主席杰罗姆·鲍威尔的调查也引发了许多共和党人的公开抗议,而鲍威尔也是特朗普经常攻击的对象。

最后一点很能说明问题。

就在上周的听证会上,一名司法部律师被迫做出了惊人的承认:司法部没有任何针对鲍威尔的真正犯罪证据。

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查尔斯·克鲁扎诺/美联社

大多数其他案件的已知证据同样极其薄弱。

但邦迪和她的部门还是一次又一次地尽力尝试,因为特朗普要求他们这么做。

这注定会让她形象受损。虽然特朗普通过对政敌提出站不住脚的阴谋论获得了巨大的政治优势,但这在法庭上是行不通的。

更重要的是,整个事件实际上已经对政府适得其反。诚然,这给目标人物带来了高昂的代价,但也清楚地表明,特朗普被指控的罪行与他指控政敌的罪行之间毫无可比性。

或许邦迪根本不可能劝阻特朗普。但这些案件几乎无一例外地对邦迪和她的部门不利。显然这也没能让特朗普满意。

与爱泼斯坦文件事件类似,邦迪在司法部的遗产将包括至少自水门事件以来,总统个人政治与司法部事务之间最严重的墙塌事件。

无论谁接任她的职位,都将面临取悦特朗普与恪守伦理和可行原则之间的同样矛盾。也许特朗普会找到一个更擅长应对这种局面的人。

但如果过去能预示未来,他们也很难解开这个难题。

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肯·塞德诺/路透社/资料图

Pam Bondi was destined to fail. But she also made it worse

2026-04-02 5:25 PM ET / CNN

Analysis by

Aaron Blake

PUBLISHED Apr 2, 2026, 5:25 PM ET

Attorney General Pam Bondi leaving after the end of President Donald Trump’s remarks to reporters in the James Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House, Febuary 20, 2026, in Washington.

Alex Brandon/AP/File

Attorney general may be the most impossible job in President Donald Trump’s Cabinet.

Trump demands things that are not only ethically problematic, but also that reside somewhere in the space between highly difficult and impossible. Nobody has gotten the balance right. Jeff Sessions tried to be the institutionalist and quickly marginalized himself. William Barr then took some astoundingly politicized actions on Trump’s behalf, but then was unwilling to go quite as far as Trump demanded.

Pam Bondi went even further than Barr in the service of bending the Justice Department politically for Trump. But after her firing Thursday, she wound up serving the shortest tenure for a confirmed attorney general in 60 years.

Bondi was, in a lot of ways, destined to fail. But she also clearly made things worse for herself.

And that’s especially the case when it comes to two sticking points between her and Trump: the Epstein files and Trump’s thus-far-fruitless retribution campaign.

Epstein files

The most damaging aspect of Bondi’s tenure was undoubtedly the Epstein files.

Trump and his campaign did Bondi no favors by playing up Trump’s promise to release the files back in 2024. Then Trump seemed to suddenly turn against releasing them in mid-2025, and he’d go on to fight their release for months before Congress forced him to relent.

That switch is tough to message to a highly invested public. Bondi made it actively worse.

In February, she distributed “Epstein Files” binders to conservative influencers at the White House. Except the binders contained almost no new information. Some of the influencers balked at what amounted to a pretty substance-free photo op.

She also made a series of dumbfounding claims about what was contained in the files, in ways that clearly came back to bite the administration.

Survivors of Jeffrey Epstein stand as US Attorney General Pam Bondi is questioned during a House Judiciary Committee hearing on oversight of the Justice Department, on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, on February 11.

Kent Nishimura/Reuters

When asked about a rumored Epstein client list, for instance, she said it was “sitting on my desk right now,” creating great anticipation. She also said there were “tens of thousands of videos” of Epstein “with children or child porn.”

But when the administration reversed course on its promises of transparency, it walked those claims back. And based on what’s been released so far, there’s still nothing to back them up.

(Bondi claimed later that she hadn’t been specifically referring to a client list, but rather more Epstein documents in general.)

In truth, Bondi’s claims were going to be problematic regardless of what came of the files. But she ramped up expectations about something that the administration later wanted to downplay.

By the end of the Epstein saga, Bondi was effectively sidelined from even talking about the files — a job which often fell to Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, who is now temporarily leading the Justice Department. (And Blanche, it’s worth mentioning, has his own Epstein issues.)

And after some almost comedically overwrought February testimony, in which she avoided even Republicans’ questions about the subject, she was greeted with a highly unusual bipartisan subpoena to revisit the issue with the House Oversight Committee later this month.

White House chief of staff Susie Wiles summed it up in comments published in December by Vanity Fair. Bondi “completely whiffed” on the Epstein files, Wiles said, and there was apparently no use in pretending otherwise.

Attorney General Pam Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche speak to the media following a closed-door briefing for members of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, on the Justice Department’s handling of the Epstein investigation and compliance with the Epstein Files Transparency Act on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, on March 18.

Nathan Howard/Reuters

Targeting Trump’s enemies

Arguably, Bondi had even higher hurdles to jump when it came to Trump’s retribution campaign.

While Trump floated efforts to investigate his foes in his first term, he’s made clear in his second that he wants real probes, charges and prosecutions against his perceived political foes — particularly after he was personally indicted four times and convicted in the only case that went to trial.

Perhaps most striking was a later-deleted Trump social media post from September that addressed Bondi by name and urged her to indict former FBI Director James Comey, New York Attorney General Letitia James and Sen. Adam Schiff of California.

Just days later, Trump forced out a US attorney who resisted and Comey was indicted. About two weeks after that, James was indicted.

But both indictments were based on flimsy evidence — this has become a trend, which we’ll get to — and the replacement US attorney was found to have been illegally appointed. So the cases fell apart.

Save for a more by-the-book indictment of another Trump foe, John Bolton (who had also been investigated by the Biden Justice Department), nobody else has been indicted over the past five and a half months.

But it hasn’t been for lack of trying by Bondi’s department:

  • The DOJ has repeatedly failed in its efforts to get grand juries to re-indict James.
  • It also failed to get a grand jury to indict six Democratic members of Congress over their comments urging members of the military not to obey illegal orders.
  • The DOJ has also probed the third person Trump mentioned in that September post, Schiff.
  • An investigation of former CIA director John Brennan has gained steam recently.
  • Trump wrote an executive order demanding investigations of two foes from his first term, Chris Krebs and Miles Taylor.
  • Trump publicly called for an investigation of former President Bill Clinton’s ties to Epstein, which Bondi quickly agreed to.
  • And the DOJ’s investigation of Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell, another figure Trump has frequently targeted, has caused even many Republicans to publicly cry foul.

That last one is telling.

At a hearing just last week, a Justice Department attorney was forced to make a remarkable admission: that the department had no real evidence of criminality against Powell.

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell gestures while addressing students at Harvard University, Monday, March 30, 2026, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Charles Krupa/AP

The known evidence in most of the other cases is, likewise, remarkably thin.

But Bondi and her department have still given it the old college try, over and over again, because Trump demanded it.

That was always bound to make her look bad. While Trump gets great political leverage out of lobbing thinly constructed conspiracy theories against his foes, that doesn’t work in a court of law.

If anything, the whole thing has actually backfired on the administration. Yes, it has created costly headaches for those targeted, but it’s also made it pretty clear that there is no equivalence between what Trump was indicted for and what he accuses his foes of.

Perhaps it was simply impossible for Bondi to dissuade Trump. But the cases have gone poorly for Bondi and her department, almost without fail. They apparently haven’t made Trump happy, either.

And similar to the Epstein files, Bondi’s legacy at the DOJ will include the most significant breakdown of the wall between the president’s personal politics and department business since at least Watergate.

Whoever succeeds her will inherit that same tension between pleasing Trump and doing what’s ethical and feasible. Perhaps Trump will find someone more adept at navigating that.

But if past is prologue, they’ll be hard-pressed to solve this riddle.

People walk in heavy rain near the Department of Justice building in Washington, DC, from which hangs a new banner depicting US President Donald Trump, on February 20.

Ken Cedeno/Reuters/File

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