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[Tierney Sneed]
1小时57分钟前发布
2026年3月27日,美国东部时间凌晨5:30
联邦机构 唐纳德·特朗普 美国选举
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2020年11月4日,佐治亚州亚特兰大市,一名选举官员正在统计缺席选票。
Elijah Nouvelage/Bloomberg/Getty Images
美国司法部周五将首次在法庭上公开接受对其调查唐纳德·特朗普总统2020年选举失利的努力的检验,同时面临一起诉讼,该诉讼要求归还今年早些时候联邦调查局以史无前例的方式查获的2020年亚特兰大地区选票。
这场诉讼已经揭示,政府的调查是由特朗普盟友推动的,这些盟友有着散布关于2020年选举舞弊的不实理论的历史。国家情报总监[图尔西·加巴德]在1月份查获选票时的在场,进一步引发了人们对调查范围的质疑,因为她的办公室对国内选举管理没有管辖权,而联邦调查局的搜查令申请也没有提出外国干预的指控。
富尔顿县委员会主席罗伯特·皮茨和其他地方官员提起诉讼,要求归还这些材料。他们辩称,联邦调查局在申请搜查令时据称没有在申请中包含所有相关信息,误导了批准搜查令的治安法官。司法部为搜查辩护,并辩称县官员没有达到要求归还选举材料的高门槛。
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周五的听证会将受到密切关注,因为它揭示了政府对2020年选举的更大规模调查,该调查还包括对亚利桑那州2020年选举记录的大陪审团传票。
县官员在法庭文件中告诉美国地方法官J.P.布利,他是特朗普任命的法官,如果不将法律护栏强加于特朗普政府的做法,联邦调查局可能会在有争议的战场州重新计票期间,使用类似的搜查令查获选票。
奥巴马政府时期曾在佐治亚州担任美国检察官的迈克尔·摩尔表示,这一担忧使得布利在这一纠纷中的最终意见至关重要。
法官必须确保“无论他写什么,都不会在2026年秋天被用作武器”,摩尔告诉CNN。
审视司法部对查获行为的正当性
搜查令由密苏里州美国检察官汤姆·阿尔布斯申请,他同时担任司法部调查全国选举问题的“特别检察官”。根据搜查令宣誓书,调查是应[库尔特·奥尔森]的举报展开的,奥尔森是参与特朗普试图推翻2020年选举的阴谋的律师,现在担任白宫选举安全与完整性主任。
司法部表示,他们正在调查该县扫描选票图像记录中所谓的差异、选举机器生成的计票机磁带中的所谓“违规行为”,以及一些缺席选票因没有折痕标记而被怀疑的指控。司法部声称可能违反了联邦法规,这些法规要求选举官员在选举后保存投票记录22个月,并禁止篡改投票。
联邦调查局在其宣誓书中引用的证人包括州选举委员会成员[他们一直]在宣扬2020年佐治亚州计票存在缺陷的理论。搜查令中提出的指控此前已被提出并在很大程度上被揭穿。
该县表示,司法部忽视了完整的背景信息,为此犯了错误,并提交了一位经验丰富的选举专家瑞安·马西亚斯的声明,以反驳选举被非法处理的说法。它还表示,司法部本应告知治安法官,宣誓书引用的证人曾面临法庭制裁或有其他可信度问题。
双方尚未在公开案卷中表明他们打算传唤的证人。然而,布利在周四决定,宣誓人、联邦调查局特工休·雷蒙德·埃文斯不必在周五的听证会上作证,这与富尔顿县的要求相反,布利已支持司法部。
尽管如此,布利并不信服司法部关于这一纠纷是一个不需要举行听证会的狭隘法律问题的更大论点。政府强调了治安法官批准搜查令所起的作用,但布利表示,司法部获得搜查令这一事实本身并不决定是否存在对富尔顿县官员权利的“冷酷漠视”——这是他将在周五考虑的法律问题。
他给双方各两个半小时的时间,让他们自由支配,无论是提出证据、盘问对方证人还是进行法律辩论。
法院何时可以重新审视联邦调查局的搜查令?
司法部在文件中表示,如果法官支持富尔顿县的请求,将“打开闸门,让那些利用类似挑战搜查令的人以窥探正在进行的刑事调查为目的”。
具有讽刺意味的是,特朗普政府正援引总统在2023年试图挑战联邦调查局搜查海湖庄园时的上诉法院败诉案例,辩称法院不应干预现在对2020年选举的刑事调查。
从那次搜查引发的起诉中代表被告的律师现在在司法部担任高级职务。特朗普的私人律师托德·布兰奇现在是司法部副部长,而在那次案件中代表特朗普一名员工的律师斯坦利·伍德沃德担任司法部第三号官员,并且是司法部在当前纠纷中的法律文件的主要签署人。
富尔顿县表示,司法部错误地引用了该案件中的上诉法院先例——该先例由美国第十一巡回上诉法院发布,该法院负责监督佛罗里达州和佐治亚州的法院。地方官员辩称,他们使用的是与特朗普在起诉特别检察官杰克·史密斯调查时不同的法律框架——由名为规则41(g)的法律程序规定的“冷酷漠视”框架。
联邦机构 唐纳德·特朗普 美国选举
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Trump Justice Department’s probe of the 2020 election gets first public test in court | CNN Politics
By
[Tierney Sneed]
1 hr 57 min ago
PUBLISHED Mar 27, 2026, 5:30 AM ET
Federal agencies Donald Trump US elections
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An election official counts absentee ballots for the 2020 Presidential election in Atlanta, Georgia, on November 4, 2020.
Elijah Nouvelage/Bloomberg/Getty Images
The Justice Department on Friday faces the first public court test of its effort to investigate President Donald Trump’s 2020 election defeat, as it fends off a lawsuit seeking a return of 2020 Atlanta-area ballots the FBI [seized in an unprecedented move] earlier this year.
The litigation has already revealed the administration’s probe is being driven by Trump allies with a history of putting forward debunked theories alleging fraud in the 2020 election. The presence of Director of National Intelligence [Tulsi Gabbard] at the January ballot seizure further has raised questions about the scope of the investigation, as her office has no authority over domestic election administration and the FBI’s warrant application for the search did not make allegations of foreign meddling.
Fulton County Board of Commissioners Chairman Robert Pitts and other local officials are suing to have the materials returned. They argue that the FBI misled the magistrate judge who approved the warrant allowing the seizure by allegedly not including all relevant information in the application. The Justice Department has defended the seizure and argued the county officials have not met the high threshold for requiring the return of the election materials.
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Friday’s hearing will be closely watched for what it reveals about the administration’s larger investigation in the 2020 election, which has also included a grand jury subpoena of 2020 election records in Arizona.
County officials told US District Judge JP Boulee, a Trump appointee, in court filings that if legal guardrails are not imposed on the Trump administration’s approach, the FBI could use a similar search warrant to seize ballots “even in the middle of recounts in contested battleground states.”
That concern is what makes Boulee’s ultimate opinion in the dispute so important, said Michael Moore, who was a US attorney in Georgia during the Obama administration.
The judge must make sure “whatever he writes, it’s not used as a weapon in the fall of 2026,” Moore told CNN.
Scrutinizing the DOJ’s justification of the seizure
The warrant was sought by a US attorney in Missouri, Tom Albus, who is also serving as a “special attorney” in the Justice Department to investigate election issues nationwide. According to the warrant affidavit, the probe was launched because of a referral of [Kurt Olsen], a lawyer who was involved in Trump’s schemes to overturn the 2020 elections and who is now the White House’s director of election security and integrity.
The Justice Department says it is investigating supposed discrepancies in the county’s records of scanned ballot images, alleged “irregularities” in the tabulator tapes created by its election machines, and claims that some absentee ballots were suspect because they didn’t have fold marks. The Justice Department alleges possible violations of federal statutes that require election officials to preserve voting records for 22 months after an election and that prohibit tampering with the vote.
Among the witnesses the FBI cited in its affidavit are members of the State Election Board [who have relentlessly been] pursuing theories that the 2020 count in Georgia was flawed. The allegations surfaced in the warrant have been previously aired and largely debunked.
The county says the Justice Department erred by neglecting to include that full context, and filed a declaration from a seasoned election expert, Ryan Macias, to push against the claims the election was unlawfully mishandled. It also says the DOJ should have told the magistrate judge that the affidavit was citing witnesses who had faced court sanctions or had other credibility issues.
The parties have not indicated on the public docket the witnesses they intend to call. However, Boulee has already sided with the Justice Department in deciding on Thursday that the affiant, FBI agent Hugh Raymond Evans, did not have to testify at Friday’s hearing, as Fulton County had sought.
A banner of President Trump hangs from the Department of Justice building in Washington, DC on February 23, 2026.
Annabelle Gordon/Sipa USA/AP/File
Still, Boulee was not convinced by the Justice Department’s larger arguments that the dispute was a narrow legal question that did not warrant an evidentiary hearing. The administration has stressed the role a magistrate judge played by approving the warrant, but Boulee has said that the fact that the Justice Department obtained a warrant for the search does not, by itself, decide whether there was a “callous disregard” of the Fulton County officials’ rights with the search — the legal question he will be considering Friday.
He is giving each side two-and-a-half hours to use as it pleases, whether that’s presenting evidence, cross-examining the other side’s witnesses or making legal arguments.
When can a court second-guess an FBI search warrant?
The Justice Department said in filings that if the judge were to side with Fulton County’s request, it would “open the floodgates to parties who” would use similar challenges to search warrants “as a way to get a sneak peek at ongoing criminal investigations.”
Ironically, the Trump administration is touting the president’s appeals court loss in his efforts to challenge the FBI’s search of Mar-a-Lago in 2023 to argue that the court should not meddle with the criminal probe into the 2020 election now.
The lawyers who represented the defendants in the prosecution that grew out of that search now occupy top roles at the Justice Department. Trump’s personal lawyer Todd Blanche is now the deputy attorney general, while the lawyer who represented a Trump employee charged in that case, Stanley Woodward, serves at the department’s no. 3 lawyer and was the top signatory on the DOJ’s legal filings in the current dispute.
Fulton County says that the DOJ is wrong to wield the appeals court precedent in that case — which was issued by the 11th US Circuit Court of Appeals, the appeals court that oversees courts in Florida and Georgia. The local officials argue that they’re using a different legal framework — the callous disregard framework, set forth by a legal procedure known as Rule 41(g) — than Trump did when he sued over special counsel Jack Smith’s investigation.
Federal agencies Donald Trump US elections
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