民主党2026年势头的警示


发布时间:2026年2月25日,美国东部时间下午2:21 / 分析:亚伦·布莱克

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(注:此处图片链接为示例格式,实际应替换为原文图片URL)
华盛顿特区国会大厦,摄于周二。
Daniel Heuer/Bloomberg/Getty Images

总统唐纳德·特朗普在为2026年中期选举造势时,再次祭出了一个老生常谈的议题:移民。

在周二晚上的国情咨文演讲中,他一度要求民主党人起立支持”美国政府的首要职责是保护美国公民,而非非法外国人”这一表述(民主党人并未配合这场观众互动)。另一个时刻,他声称民主党人”若有机会,会再次开放边境”。

特朗普此前曾多次将选举聚焦于移民问题,但如今随着美国人认为他的驱逐行动”过于激进”,他在这一问题上的支持率已大幅下滑。

他对移民的持续关注,揭示了民主党面临的一个令人不安的现实:在包括移民在内的一些关键议题上,选民仍倾向于支持共和党而非民主党。

这种偏好可能会在秋季选举中产生何种影响,仍有待观察。中期选举通常被视为对现任总统的公投,而非两党之间的选择。

但选民对历史上不受欢迎的民主党缺乏信心,这成为民主党试图将2026年打造成”浪潮选举年”的一个不可预测的变量。

或许没有哪个议题比移民更能说明这一点。

根据内特·西尔弗的民调数据,特朗普在移民问题上的净支持率已从一年前的两位数正增长降至如今的两位数负增长。他严厉的驱逐行动以及明尼阿波利斯市蕾妮·古德(Renee Good)和亚历克斯·普雷蒂(Alex Pretti)被杀事件,已使他付出代价——以至于他感到有必要展现出更温和的态度。

但在最近四次询问受访者在移民问题上支持共和党还是民主党时,共和党人在所有调查中都以4至11个百分点的优势领先。

(这些民调来自路透社与益普索、美联社-诺尔调查中心、《华尔街日报》及昆尼皮亚克大学。)

在相关的”边境安全”议题上,《华尔街日报》的民调显示,登记选民支持国会中的共和党人的比例高达48%,而支持民主党人的比例仅为20%,差距高达28个百分点。

经济议题上的情况类似。

由于持续的通货膨胀、疲软的就业增长、中等水平的经济增长以及高度的悲观情绪,特朗普在经济问题上的支持率进一步下滑。考虑到选民在经济问题上的投票倾向,这可能是他目前最大的政治难题。

但所有四项民调都显示,共和党在这一问题上以5或6个百分点的优势领先。

尽管特朗普的关税政策颇不受欢迎,但《华尔街日报》的民调显示,仍有36%的受访者支持国会中的共和党人,而支持民主党的比例为34%。甚至在”通货膨胀和物价上涨”问题上,共和党人仍以6个百分点的优势领先——尽管通胀通常被视为特朗普及其共和党在2026年选举中的最大弱点。

民调还显示,共和党在外交政策上平均领先6个百分点,在犯罪问题上领先12个百分点(路透社民调)。

民主党也有其优势领域:在民主、医疗保健、环境和妇女权利问题上,民主党以两位数或更大优势领先。但在更受关注的核心议题上,共和党仍占上风。

如何解释这种现象?

部分原因无疑是选民在经济和移民等问题上倾向于支持共和党。即便共和党人的优势比以往有所缩小(而非完全消失),这对民主党而言或许仍是有利的。

但这并非全部原因。共和党优势的部分原因似乎在于,选民对民主党能否”修正”他们认为特朗普未能驾驭的局面缺乏信心。

例如,美联社-诺尔调查中心的民调显示,民主党在2021年、2017年和2016年的经济表现上支持率更高。在2021年的移民问题上,民主党也表现更佳,甚至在特朗普第一任期的2019年,民主党在移民问题上还有小幅领先。

《华盛顿邮报》、美国广播公司与益普索联合开展的最新民调也显示了类似情况。2018年,当特朗普在移民问题上的支持率同样低迷时,《华盛顿邮报》的民调显示,选民在移民问题上支持国会中的民主党人比支持特朗普的多8个百分点。而如今,特朗普的支持率以4个百分点领先。

此外,在所谓的”通用选票”(即你更喜欢国会中的通用民主党候选人还是通用共和党候选人)方面,民主党在一些近期民调中的表现似乎并不令人振奋,尽管特朗普自身存在诸多问题。

《华盛顿邮报》与美国广播公司的民调显示,47%的登记选民支持民主党,45%支持共和党——而在2018年和2006年的”浪潮选举年”同期,民主党通常以两位数优势领先。

美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)近期的民调显示,民主党在这一指标上以5个百分点领先。在2018年的选举周期中,同期民主党领先5至16个百分点;2006年同期则领先6至16个百分点。

但这两项民调也为民主党带来了一个重要启示:他们在选民热情度上存在巨大差距——这意味着共和党选民更有可能”待在家中”(即不投票)。随着今年晚些时候民调模型转向”可能投票者”而非”所有登记选民”,民主党可能会进一步扩大优势。

事实上,随着选民认为选举本质是对特朗普的投票支持或反对,而非对两大政党的选择,”通用选票”的差距可能最终变得微不足道。

但如果有一件事应该让民主党对能否抓住2026年的机会保持警惕,那就是选民仍然不认为民主党是一个很好的替代方案。

特朗普仍将移民视为对他有利的议题,只要他能将焦点放在正确的方面——即边境问题,而非古德和普雷蒂被杀事件。而他或许确实是对的。

The caveat to Democrats’ 2026 momentum

Published Feb 25, 2026, 2:21 PM ET / Analysis by Aaron Blake

The US Capitol in Washington, DC, on Tuesday.

Daniel Heuer/Bloomberg/Getty Images

President Donald Trump has keyed in on an old standard while framing up the 2026 midterm elections: immigration.

At one point during his State of the Union speech Tuesday night, he challenged Democrats to stand and show support for the statement that “The first duty of the American government is to protect American citizens, not illegal aliens.” (Democrats did not play along with this bit of audience participation.) At another point, he claimed that Democrats would open the border up “all over again if they ever had the chance.”

Trump has centered elections on immigration before, but now his numbers on the issue have declined significantly as Americans have decided his deportation operations have gone “too far.”

His focus on it points to an unhappy reality for Democrats: Voters still tend to favor Republicans over Democrats on some key issues, including immigration.

It remains to be seen what impact that preference might have in the fall elections. Midterms are generally seen as a referendum on the incumbent president rather than a choice between the two parties.

But voters’ lack of faith in a historically unpopular Democratic Party looms as an unpredictable variable in the party’s designs on making 2026 a wave election year.

Perhaps no issue tells that tale like immigration.

Trump’s net approval rating on it has gone from double-digits positive a year ago to double-digits negative today, according to Nate Silver’s polling averages. Trump’s harsh deportation operations and the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis have cost him — to the point that he’s felt compelled to signal a softer approach.

But in four recent polls that asked respondents to pick between Republicans and Democrats on immigration, Republicans led by between 4 and 11 points in all of them.

(The polls come from Reuters and Ipsos, AP-NORC the Wall Street Journal and Quinnipiac University.)

And on the related issue of “border security,” the Journal’s poll showed registered voters favored Republicans in Congress over Democrats by a whopping 28 points, 48%-20%.

The story is similar on the economy.

Trump’s numbers have fallen even more on that issue amid persistent inflation, anemic job growth, middling economic growth and a high degree of pessimism. It might be his biggest political problem right now, given how much voters vote on the economy.

But all four polls show Republicans leading on that issue by either 5 or 6 points.

Even as Trump’s tariffs are quite unpopular, the Journal’s poll showed 36% still prefer Republicans in Congress on the issue of tariffs, while 34% prefer Democrats. And Republicans even somehow led by 6 points on the issue of “inflation and rising prices” — despite inflation often being cited as Trump’s and the GOP’s biggest vulnerability in the 2026 election.

The polls also show Republicans leading on foreign policy (by an average of 6 points) and crime (by 12 points, in the Reuters poll).

Democrats have their strengths too. They lead by double digits or more on democracy, health care, the environment and women’s rights. But on the issues that are probably more front-and-center, Republicans still lead.

How to explain this?

Some of this is undoubtedly that voters simply tend to favor the GOP on issues like the economy and immigration. And even if the GOP’s advantages are simply smaller than usual — rather than erased — that could be good for Democrats.

But that’s not the full story. Some of the GOP’s advantage appears to owe to people simply not having much faith in the Democratic Party to right the ship that they think Trump has failed to navigate.

AP-NORC polling, for instance, showed Democrats faring better on the economy in 2021, 2017 and 2016. They fared better on immigration in 2021 and even had a small lead in 2019, during Trump’s first term.

A new Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll shows something similar. Back in 2018, when Trump’s numbers on immigration were also depressed, the Post’s polling showed voters favored Democrats in Congress over Trump on the issue by 8 points. Today, Trump leads by 4.

And Democrats’ leads on the so-called “generic ballot” — i.e., do you prefer a generic Democrat or a generic Republican for Congress — are arguably underwhelming in some recent polls, given Trump’s problems.

The Post-ABC poll showed 47% of registered voters choosing Democrats and 45% picking Republicans compared to Democrats’ double-digit lead around this point during their wave election years in 2018 and 2006.

And CNN’s recent poll showed Democrats leading on that measure by 5 points. They led by between 5 and 16 points around this point in the 2018 cycle, and by between 6 and 16 points around this point in the 2006 cycle.

But both of those polls also showed something very important for Democrats’ hopes: a huge enthusiasm gap in their favor. That suggests the GOP’s voters are simply much more likely to stay home. And as the polling models shift to likely voters rather than all registered voters later this year, Democrats’ leads could expand.

Indeed, the generic matchup could wind up amounting to little or nothing as voters decide the election is really about voting for or against Trump, rather than for one of the two major political parties.

But if there’s one thing that should give Democrats at least a little pause about being able to seize on the opportunity in front of them in 2026, it might be that voters still just don’t see them as a great alternative.

Trump still sees immigration as a winning issue for him, as long as he can keep the focus on the right aspects of the issue — i.e., the border, rather than Good and Pretti. And he might be on to something.

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