涉及缅甸和以色列的国际法院种族灭绝案件可能削弱国际法对该术语的定义
作者:约书亚·哈默
福克斯新闻
发布时间:2026年1月25日 美国东部时间上午6:10
伊朗政权的恐怖屠杀以及特朗普总统为获取格陵兰岛而展开的激进行动,导致国际法院正在审理的一个重大案件被忽视。
国际法院上周开始审理冈比亚对缅甸提起的诉讼,指控缅甸对罗兴亚人实施种族灭绝——约140万罗兴亚人生活在缅甸。另有多个国家作为支持冈比亚的第三方参与诉讼,冈比亚向法院提交了它认为能证明缅甸军队对罗兴亚人口实施种族灭绝的证据。缅甸则强烈否认这一指控。
虽然此案并不直接涉及以色列,但国际法院的判决可能对以色列目前在法庭上抵御南非指控的案件产生重大影响。
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内塔尼亚胡在以色列议会演讲中称赞特朗普是以色列的”最伟大朋友”。(埃文·武奇/路透社拍摄)
这一点尤为重要,因为冈比亚挑选的国际法院法官之一是南非籍的纳维·皮莱。正是这位纳维·皮莱在联合国人权理事会调查委员会主席任内,曾仓促发布报告指控以色列犯有种族灭绝罪,该委员会因对以色列存在明显的机构偏见以及部分成员发表反犹言论而广受批评。
“前所未有的”反犹主义委员会应对激增的全国性问题
实际上,南非在国际法院对以色列提起的诉讼充满了漏洞。这也是在推动重新定义自二战结束以来一直被奉为神圣的术语。
“种族灭绝”一词由大屠杀幸存者拉斐尔·莱姆金创造,他在1944年致力于将其纳入现代国际法。1948年通过《联合国灭绝种族罪公约》正式确立。
禁止种族灭绝被视为国际强行法(jus cogens)规范——即所有第一世界国家都接受的不可减损规则,无任何例外。”种族灭绝”的定义无需法律学位就能理解,且绝不应被政治化。
西方领导人必须在伊斯兰主义激发的反犹暴力将目标对准所有人之前采取行动
根据《日内瓦公约》,种族灭绝行为必须是”蓄意全部或部分摧毁某一民族、族裔、种族或宗教群体”的行为。这里的”蓄意”至关重要。
南非在国际法院待审的案件指控以色列蓄意摧毁加沙的巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯人口。相比之下,以色列(正确地)坚持认为,其最近在加沙的行动是对2023年10月7日哈马斯恐怖组织发动的毁灭性圣战和骇人听闻的暴行的正义、正当军事回应。
以色列的”蓄意”目标是将加沙从哈马斯手中解放出来,解救被哈马斯绑架和扣押的人质,并确保哈马斯在加沙不再扮演任何角色,无法再次发动类似2023年10月7日的屠杀。以色列多次提出,如果哈马斯放下武器并释放所有人质,就结束战争。
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以色列政府在纽约街头开展的10月7日公共宣传活动,正值内塔尼亚胡在联合国发表演讲前夕。(福克斯新闻数字版)
另一方面,哈马斯完全漠视人命,公开表示牺牲加沙平民是为了扭转舆论反对以色列的战略性必要手段。多年来,哈马斯将军事基础设施嵌入加沙民用设施——学校、医院、联合国设施、清真寺和儿童卧室。以色列在现代战争中最复杂的作战环境之一进行防御战。
与此同时,以色列与多国和非政府组织合作,允许并协助大量人道主义援助,重建供水系统,协调加沙儿童的脊髓灰质炎疫苗接种,并协助协调和批准需要紧急医疗护理人员的撤离。
以色列多次对即将到来的军事打击发出高级别预警,并在发现附近有平民的情报后推迟打击。交战方为减少对敌方当地平民的伤害而多次放弃突袭机会,这是非常罕见的。
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所有这些都不构成”种族灭绝”——并且清楚表明以色列没有任何蓄意摧毁加沙当地巴勒斯坦-阿拉伯人口的意图。
尽管如此,自南非向国际法院提起诉讼以来,众多团体和国家纷纷抓住机会加入反以色列运动。这包括有偏见的所谓在线种族灭绝学者、反犹暴徒以及高度政治化的非政府组织。例如,大赦国际厚颜无耻地等待了两年多,才发表一份聚焦哈马斯10月7日罪行的报告,同时竭力提醒读者其一年前对以色列提出的诽谤性种族灭绝指控。
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随着10月7日周年纪念日临近,大学校园正准备迎接新一波反以色列抗议活动。(沙利·特利巴洛/蒂埃里·劳伦特/法新社/利昂·尼尔通过盖蒂图片社)
他们共同参与了一场重新定义”种族灭绝”一词以符合其叙事的运动——同时完全无视哈马斯自身类似纳粹的野蛮行径。
这种出于政治动机的破坏行为应引起我们所有人的严重关切。如果成功,将导致国际法院进一步自毁信誉,沦为政治得分的工具,而非实现有意义的正义的机构。
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以色列合法地回应了一个恐怖组织的种族灭绝袭击,该组织多次呼吁彻底消灭以色列并杀害全球所有犹太人——这一点在2023年10月7日向全世界进行了现场直播。
“种族灭绝”一词太过重要,不容被玷污。必须阻止那些推动重新定义该术语的人。
点击查看更多约书亚·哈默的报道
约书亚·哈默是Article III项目和互联网问责项目的高级法律顾问。他主持”约书亚·哈默秀”播客和联合广播节目。
JOSH HAMMER: Case against Israel cheapens the word ‘genocide’
ICJ genocide cases involving Myanmar and Israel threaten to weaken international law definition
By Josh Hammer
Fox News
Published January 25, 2026 6:10am EST
The horrific regime slaughter in Iran and President Trump’s aggressive campaign to acquire Greenland have resulted in the neglect of a major case now underway at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
The ICJ last week began hearings brought by Gambia against Myanmar alleging genocide against the Rohingya people — about 1.4 million of whom live in Myanmar. Several other states have intervened in support of Gambia, which has presented the court with evidence it contends proves that Myanmar’s military forces committed a genocide against the Rohingya population. Myanmar vehemently denies the allegation.
While this case does not concern Israel directly, the ICJ’s determinations may have major ramifications for the case Israel is now defending at the tribunal against South Africa.
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Netanyahu praised Trump as Israel’s “greatest friend” in Knesset speech.(Evan Vucci/Pool via Reuters)
This is especially true since one of the judges hand-picked by Gambia to sit on its ICJ panel is South African national Navi Pillay. That would be the same Navi Pillay who recently rushed to publish a report accusing Israel of genocide before retiring as head of the UN Human Rights Council commission of inquiry — a panel widely criticized for its flagrant institutional bias against Israel and the anti-Semitic remarks of its members.
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In reality, South Africa’s ICJ case against Israel is riddled with flaws. It is also pushing to redefine a term that been held sacrosanct since the end of World War II.
The term “genocide” was coined by Raphael Lemkin, a Holocaust survivor who in 1944 strived for its incorporation into modern international law. That occurred in 1948 via the UN Genocide Convention.
The prohibition on genocide is considered a jus cogens norm — that is, a non-derogable rule accepted by all of the first-world community with no exceptions. The definition of “genocide” requires no law degree to understand, and it should never, ever be politicized.
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For a genocide to take place under Geneva, there must be acts committed “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group.” The phrase “intent” here is of paramount importance.
South Africa’s pending case before the ICJ alleges Israeli intent to destroy the Palestinian-Arab population of Gaza. Israel, by contrast, (correctly) maintains that its recent actions in Gaza have been a just and proper military response to the war of annihilationist jihad and unspeakable atrocities launched against it by the Hamas terrorist organization on Oct. 7, 2023.
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Public awareness campaign by the Israeli government on Oct. 7 in the streets of New York ahead of Netanyahu’s U.N. speech.(Fox News Digital)
Israel’s “intent” is to free Gaza from Hamas, to return hostages abducted and held by Hamas, and to ensure Hamas has no future role in Gaza and cannot undertake another October 7-style massacre. It repeatedly offered to end the war if Hamas laid down its arms and released all hostages.
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Hamas, on the other hand, has shown a complete disregard for human life and has openly stated that its sacrifice of Gazan civilians is a cynical strategic necessity to turn public opinion against Israel. It has for years embedded military infrastructure within Gazan civilian infrastructure — schools, hospitals, UN facilities, mosques, and children’s bedrooms. Israel has waged a defensive campaign in one of the most complex operational environments of any modern war.
At the same time, it has worked with states and NGOs to allow and facilitate extensive amounts of humanitarian aid, rebuilt water supplies, coordinated the vaccination of young Gazans against polio, and helped coordinate and approve the evacuation of those in need of urgent medical care.
Israel repeatedly provides advanced warnings of impending military strikes and has held off strikes where intelligence of nearby civilians has come to light. For a fighting party to so often relinquish the element of surprise to reduce harm to the local civilian population of its enemy is extraordinary.
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None of this constitutes a “genocide” — and clearly shows the lack of any intent by Israel to destroy the local Palestinian-Arab population in Gaza.
Nonetheless, since South Africa brought its case before the ICJ, numerous groups and states have leapt at the opportunity to join in on the anti-Israel campaign. This has ranged from tendentious so-called online genocide scholars to anti-Semitic mobs to deeply politicized NGOs. Amnesty International, for instance, shamelessly waited more than two years before publishing a report focusing on Hamas’ crimes on Oct. 7, while straining to remind readers of its slanderous accusation of genocide made against Israel a year prior.
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College campuses are getting ready for an influx of new anti-Israel protests with the anniversary of October 7 fast approaching.(CHARLY TRIBALLEAU/ETIENNE LAURENT/AFP/ Leon Neal via Getty)
Together, they have all been involved in a campaign to redefine the term “genocide” to suit their narrative — all while ignoring the reality of Hamas’ own Nazi-esque barbarism.
The politically motivated efforts to undermine the concept should be of grave concern to us all. If successful, it will result in the ICJ’s further self-discrediting as an institution of political point scoring, rather than meaningful justice.
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Israel has legitimately responded to genocidal attacks by a terrorist organization that has repeatedly called for its entire annihilation and the murder of all global Jewry — something it broadcast live to the world on Oct. 7, 2023.
The term “genocide” is one too important to be cheapened. Those pushing for its redefinition must be stopped in their tracks.
CLICK FOR MORE FROM JOSH HAMMER
Josh Hammer is senior counsel for the Article III Project and the Internet Accountability Project. He hosts “The Josh Hammer Show” podcast and syndicated radio show.
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